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OF THE 

ROUTE OF ARNOLD'S CAMPAIGN. 




ACCOUNT 



mM^ (SJampaigtt ^gainst (^wht. 



AND OF THE 



Hardships and Sufferings of that Band of Heroes 



TBA VERSED THE WILDERNESS OF MAINE 



CAMBRIDGE TO THE ST. LAWRENCE, 



AUTUMN OF 1775. 



By JOHN JOSEPH HENRY, 

I) 

One of the Survivors. 



ALBANY: 
JOEL MUNSELL. 

1877. 



E 



53 5 



'//Yi 



p1 









MEMOIR 

or 

JOHN JOSEPH HENRY, 

BY HIS GRANDSON. 



John Joseph Henry, the author of the Campaign against (Quebec, was 
born at Lancaster, Pennsylvania, on the 4th of November A.D. 1758. 
His ancestors came to Pennsylvania with the first great vi^ave of Scotch- 
Irish immigration. His father, William Henry, in a brief memoir of him- 
self, written in the German tongue a few weeks before his death, says : 

"I was born May 19th, 1729. My grandparents on my father's side 
came from Scotland, and on my mother's side were descendants of French 
refugees. My parents on both sides came from Ireland to Pennsylvania 
and were married in this country. My father was a Presbyterian and my 
mother a member of the Church of England, but as there was then no 
Anglican church in Pennsylvania the whole family felt drawn to join the 
Presbyterians."' 

Robert Henry, the Scottish grandfather, with his wife Mary and their 
three sons John, Robert and James, arrived in the Delaware in 1722. He 
settled in the pleasant valley of Doe Run in the wide county of Chester 
and there, in 1735, he and his wife ended their pilgrimages on the same 
day and were buried together at the historic Octorara Meeting House. 

Of the three sons James died early leaving a single child who did not 
survive infancy, and Robert, following the current of Scotch-Irish emigra- 
tion went into the valley of Virginia where he left many sons and daughters, 
and they many descendants. 

John Henry married the daughter of Hugh De Vinney, one of the Hu- 
guenots of the Pequea valley. He remained upon and added to the lands 



1 This statement is not strictly accurate. There was more than one Anglican church 
in the vicinity of Philadelphia previously to 1712. 



iv. Memoir. 

of his father, but dying in middle life his family, consisting of five sons and 
several daughters, was in the language of the memoir "entirely scattered." 

William Henry, the eldest of the sons, then in his fifteenth year, was 
sent to Lancaster to learn the trade of gunsmith with Matthew Roeser. 

Lancaster county had been set off from the vast county of Chester in 
1729 and itself included "all and singular the lands within the province of 
Pennsylvania lying to the northward of Octorara creek and to the westward 
of a line of marked trees running from the north branch of Octorara creek 
northeasterly to the river Schuylkill." Lancaster, the county seat, was laid 
out by James Hamilton, afterwards governor of Pennsylvania, in 1728, 
and was in 1745 an active and prosperous town with about two thousand 
inhabitants. 

Emigrants in large numbers and in some cases in organized bodies, from 
Ireland, Scotland, France, Germany and Switzerland, had poured into the 
fertile wilderness of southern Pennsylvania. Flying for the most part from 
oppressive land laws or from religious persecution they brought with them 
their clergy, their school masters and their books and that intensity of faith 
and purpose which had sent them forth to found new homes across the sea. 
Lancaster, situated in the midst of a great valley of unsurpassed fertility 
soon became not only the seat of an active commerce and manufacture 
connected with the Indian trade but the home of many men well culti- 
vated in the learning of the day, especially in its theological departments. 

William Henry possessed in full measure the perfervid imagination of his 
race, and at early age turned his thoughts upon those great religious ques- 
tions which are so seldom solved by ratiocination. He tells the story of 
his spiritual experiences at length in his memoir, but it is enough to say 
that he did not find the peace he sought, till middle life, when in 1763 
he and his wife joined themselves to the Moravians, then known only as 
the Church of the United Brethren. 

His work in worldly matters prospered, however, for like many of his 
race he was prudent in action, though speculative in thought. He became 
early the head of a large establishment for the manufacture of arms and 
equipments for the Indian trade. In 1754 he was appointed armorer for 
the troops collecting in Virginia for Braddock's expedition, and in 1757 
he was, with apparent reluctance, called again to go to Virginia as " gun 
contractor for the whole army." 

From this time forward he was much engaged in public affairs, especially 
in those which related to the Indian tribes. Possessing the confidence both 
of the whites and the Indians, he was able to render essential service in the 



Memoir. v. 

settlement of many of the questions which arose between the races. The 
Delaware hero, Koquethagachron or White Eyes, and his successor Gelele- 
mend or Leader called Killbuck by the whites, were among his friends. 

Between him and the latter the tie of friendship was so strong that in 
1784, after the Delaware custom, they agreed to exchange names. Gelele- 
mend, a ftw years later, was baptized by the Moravians as William Henry 
and his descendants in Fairfield, Canada, still bear the name and claim 
kinship with the posterity of their ancestor's friend. 

When the disputes between the colonies and the crown grew serious, 
William Henry, though a magistrate under the proprietary government, 
gave his support with characteristic ardor to the cause of the patriots. His 
activity and vigor were conspicuous during the war of the revolution. His 
factory was busy in the making of arms and he himself as deputy 
commissary general, exercised freely the almost unlimited authority 
given him by Washington, in the matter of raising supplies for the 
army. After the termination of the war he was called to fill a number of 
posts of honor and responsibility. It will seem strange to us, when the 
holding of a plurality of offices is deemed an abuse, that at the time of his 
death in 1786, he was a judge of the court of common pleas, a member 
of the general congress, and the treasurer of Lancaster county; and what 
may seem stranger still his wife, Anne Henry, succeeded him in the last 
office and continued to fill it with entire acceptation for many years and 
nearly up to the time of her own decease. 

John Joseph Henry grew up in troublous times. In early childhood he 
and his elder brother William Henry, the younger, were witnesses of the 
Paxtang massacre. His own recollection was only of the hurrying and 
shouts of men, the firing of guns and the retreat at a gallop of those who 
had slain the helpless prisoners. His brother, two years his senior, was 
able, however, in later years to give a vivid account of the slaughter (Hecke- 
'we/cier\Narrati've, p. 78). Strenuous efforts were made to bring the murderers 
to trial by William Henry and others, but the state of feeling on what was 
then the frontier, was such that no success followed their efforts. Even 
the detachment of Highlanders quartered in the town at the time would do 
nothing to stay the carnage or arrest the perpetrators of it. 

Judge Henry was accustomed to say, late in life, that he had watched the 
careers of all of those lawless men who had murdered the Conestogas, and 
that the retribution which man denied had been awarded by Providence, 
for that nearly all of them died violent deaths. Tradition tells that the 



vi. Memoir. 

last of them broke his neck by falling from a loaded wagon near his own 
house. 

As young Henry grew towards manhood the mutterings of the revolution- 
ary storm were in the air. He drank in the passions of the time with 
eager spirit and with parental precept and example to justify him, gave up 
his whole heart to the strife. He had been sent in 1772, with his uncle 
John Henry, who was a gunsmith and Indian trader, to the remote frontier 
post of Detroit. Returning the next year on foot with a single guide, who 
died in the wilderness, he found his way after much suffering to the house 
of his relative General John Gibson, who dwelt at Logstown on the Ohio. 
He was kindly received by General Gibson and when restored to health 
was sent forward by him to his home in Lancaster. 

General Gibson was himself one of the leading men of the frontier. He 
it was to whom the Mengwe chief, Logan, addressed the speech which Jeffer- 
son, in his Notes on Virginia, has made immortal. He was a brother 
of Colonel George Gibson, who was mortally wounded at St. Clair's de- 
feat. Col. Gibson was the father of the late Hon. John Bannister Gibson, 
chief justice of Pennsylvania. 

The Gibsons were all men of force of character combined with a gay 
humor. The story is told of Colonel Gibson that a couple of days after 
the defeat, whilst the army was still in great peril, as he lay in his rough 
shelter in the forest, his nephew, Lieutenant Slough of Lancaster, who had 
been slightly wounded in the arm, but had lent his blanket to his uncle, came 
to demand its return, saying that he had leave to go home to see his father 
and mother. The dying man turned to him with a smile and said "take 
it Jake, and go home and honor your father and mother that your days 
may be long in the land." 

William Henry had designed that his sons William and John Joseph 
should follow his own avoCation. The former acceded to his father's wishes 
and was the second in a line of prosperous makers of arms extending to the 
present day. But when the command was laid on the younger son to 
enter the factory he so far disobeyed it as to incur the serious displeasure of 
his father. Not long after the question between them was settled by the 
outbreak of the war. In 1774 the quarrel between the colonies and Eng- 
land was probably past cure. Both sides were making ready for the conflict. 
In southern Pennsylvania the dour frontiersmen might differ as to the 
murder of Indian prisoners but they were of one mind as to fighting the 
British. They or their ancestors had fled across the ocean from the tyran- 



Memoir. vii. 

nical land and church laws of England and they would resist to the death 
a new oppression' in America. 

In the spring of 1775 two companies of riflemen were enlisted at the 
first tap of the drum for the army before Boston — one from the county 
of Cumberland under Captain William Hendricks, the other from Lancaster 
county under Captain Matthew Smith. Young Henry, by this time a tall 
and hardy youth, well skilled in the use of the rifle and the ways of the 
forest, joined the latter without the knowledge of his father. His good 
mother, however, whose patriotism may have been a shade less prudent 
than that of her husband, was made the confidante of his intention and 
gave her consent to an act which was but the natural corollary of her 
own teaching. She made with her own hands in secret his rifleman's 
uniform, if such it could be called, consisting as he himself tells of leggings, 
moccasins and a deep ash colored hunting shirt. 

When the day of departure came and the company was drawn up for 
inspection before starting, his father passed along the line but did not recog- 
nize his own son in the tall rifleman on its right. 

The story of the campaign so well told by himself needs not to be re- 
hearsed here. It is enough to say that he came home in the fall of 1776, 
apparently in health but with the seeds of disease deeply planted in his 
constitution. In a few weeks after this, he tells us, " a slight cold caught 
while skating on the Susquehannah or hunting the wild turkey among the 
Kittatinny mountains, put an end to all his visionary schemes of ambition." 
The scurvy, from which he suffered in the prison at Quebec, attacked with 
terrible force the knee which had been injured at the assault. The joint 
became the seat of violent inflammation, disease of the bone followed and 
when two years afterwards he left his couch it was only to walk with a 
crutch through life. Some good, however, came out of so much evil. The 
house of William Henry had long been the resort of the educated men of 
the Lancaster community and of such strangers as visited the place. Dur- 
ing the revolution the leading men of the day found quarters there. Franklin, 
Rittenhouse, Paine and others were among his guests. (^MarshaWs Diary 
passim.) The Juliana library founded in 1750, so called from Lady Juliana 
Penn, wife of Thomas Penn and daughter of the Earl of Pomfret, was kept 
there. Constant access to books with abundant leisure to read them and 
the society of the foremost men of the time made up for a somewhat de- 
sultory early training and probably determined his ultimate choice of the 
law as his profession. 



viii. Memoir. 

The memoir of his life by his daughter, the mother of the present writer, 
tells us all that is known of him till he came to the bar. His preceptor, 
Colonel Stephen Chambers, whose youngest sister he afterwards married, 
was an Irishman by birth. He had come to Pennsylvania with his father, 
mother and sisters in the great Scotch-Irish immigration of 1772 and 1773. 
The father being a man of property had educated his son at Trinity college, 
Dublin, intending him for the bar. He had the misfortune 'however, at 
an early age to kill his antagonist in a duel, whereupon the whole family 
came to America. He also entered the army and did good service for 
some years but resigned his commission and came to the bar of Lancaster 
county in 1780 where he attained a large practice. He was a delegate to 
the Pennsylvania convention which ratified the federal constitution. He 
fell in a duel with Dr. Reger in 1789. 

Mr. Henry, after several years of assiduous study, was admitted to practice 
in 1785. He too was soon largely employed. But the conditions of suc- 
cess in the law at that time, were very different from those which com- 
mand it now. Beyond the statutes of the states there were practically 
no books on the law written or printed in America, no text-books, 
no digests, no reports. The first volume of Dallas's Reports was pub- 
lished in 1790, the second in 1798, and the third in 1799. With 
these exceptions no regular series of reports had been published in 
America up to the year 1800. The entire vast array of American reports, 
both state and federal, has come into existence since that day. The lawyers 
of that time were thrown for aid wholly on English resources, and English 
law books exclusively composed their modest libraries. It is perhaps a 
fortunate thing for the jurisprudence of the country that such was the case. 
Where all sound learning in the law was drawn from one source, it was 
but natural that the several jurisprudences established on that basis should 
have a substantial uniformity though the peculiar political institutions of 
the country might seem to disfavor such a result. Many men of great 
ability and profound learning were trained in this early school. They 
sought their knowledge at the very fountain heads of the law and grew 
strong in the mastery of its principles by tracing them to their foundation. 
Among these George and James Ross, Duncan, Charles Hall, Yeates, 
Watts and Charles Smith were among the associates and friends of Judge 
Henry. 

In 1793 Mr. Henry was appointed by Governor Mifflin, the president of 
the second judicial district of Pennsylvania. His commission, bearing date 



Memoir. ix. 

the i8th day of December, 1793, appoints him "President of the Several 
Courts of Common Pleas in the Circuit consisting of the Counties of 
Chester, Lancaster, York and Dauphin," a vast territory whose features were 
fertile valleys and rugged hills with the hard wood forests every where pre- 
dominant. 

Of his work as a judge but little remains. It may be said of him, as has 
been said of his kinsman and youthful friend, the late Chief Justice Gibson, 
who at one time presided over another Pennsylvanian circuit, that so far as 
his work in that circuit was concerned " he has left no monument of his 
labors. Like the fruits of much of the best ability of the state, displayed 
in the same sphere, they perished on the spot without a record to perpetu- 
ate their worth." [Essay on the Life and ffritings of John B. Gibson, 
LL.D., by William A. Porter.) The words of Judge Porter have a sad 
aptitude to many cases. 

The only case tried by Judge Henry, which is known to have been fully 
reported, is that of the Commonwealth vs. Hauer, et als., 2 Chandlers Criminal 
Trials, 353. The case in Chandler is but a feeble abridgment of a remark- 
able pamphlet printed at Harrisburg in 1798, giving a full account of the 
trials of the seven persons charged with complicity in the murder. It has 
been said that " few events ever caused more excitement and alarm amongst 
the German population than the murder of Francis Shitz in 1797. The 
trials of the parties implicated in this singular transaction are interesting as 
exhibiting the low state of public morals at that day in the interior of the 
state, especially amongst the foreign population, and also as involving some 
legal points of great importance in criminal law." (Prefatory note to the 
Report in Chandler.) 

The counsel on both sides were of great ability and the many questions 
of law and of fact were argued with much learning and fullness. The 
rulings of Judge Henry throughout the case were briefly and clearly made, 
and his charge to the jury correctly stated the principles of the law applica- 
ble to it. 

Two of the prisoners were found guilty of murder in the first degree and 
expiated their crime upon the gallows. 

The pamphlet report, by an anonymous author, is a model of completeness. 
It gives a statement of the case, the pleadings, the evidence in full, the 
motions made at the several stages of the very complex proceedings, the 
rulings of the court on the points raised, the arguments of the counsel and 
the charge of the judge. It is a conscientious history by a fully competent 



X. Memoir. 

hand of a celebrated case, from the perusal of which a lawyer may derive 
greater profit than by reading volumes of such reports as slip-shod indolence 
too often imposes on the profession. 

About the year 1804, the constitution of Judge Henry, so severely tried 
in youth, began to give way under repeated attacks of the gout, which in a 
letter written to his brother William in 1807, he speaks of as an inherit- 
ance from his mother. That it is transmissible by descent many others 
have grievous reason to testify. 

In succeeding ye. .is the severity of his attacks increased so greatly that 
he was unable longer to fill the arduous duties of his office. He therefore, 
in the latter part of the year 1810, tendered his resignation to the governor 
of the state. Four months later, on the 15th April, 181 1, he rested finally 
from his labors. His remains lie in the burial ground of the Moravian 
church at Lancaster. 

Judge Henry was a ma.n of great stature and strength, and of grave and 
leonine aspect — yet he was of jovial temper and quick and warm sensibilities. 
His religious faith was cast in the antique mold which would not admit of 
a doubt and somewhat scorned the doubter. By the testimony of all who 
knew him he was a brave, just and honorable gentleman. 

The Campaign against Quebec was dictated to his daughter, Anne Mary, 
the mother of the writer, with the aid of casual notes and memoranda from 
his bed of sickness in his latest years. The manuscript received no revision 
at his hands, for he was called away very shortly after its last pages were 
written. His widow gave it to the press in 18 12, and it was printed with- 
out even the correction of verbal and typographical errors. 

He left two sons. Dr. Stephen Chambers Henry, late of Detroit, and 
Dr. Julien Henry of St. Louis, also deceased, and several daughters, one 
only of whom, Anne Mary, the wife of the late Honorable Thomas Smith, 
of Delaware county, has left issue. 

A portrait of Judge Henry in the stately dress of a gentleman of the old 
time, from the hand of his youngest brother, Benjamin West Henry, a 
pupil of Gilbert Stuart, represents him as a man of massive features, broad 
shoulders and grave yet kindly expression, and is in full harmony with what 
is remembered of him. 

Aubrey H. Smith. 

Philadelphia, May 25th, 1877. 



LIFE OF THE AUTHOR. 



WRITTEN BY HIS DAUGHTER. 



There is an observation trite, true, and universally admitted, that the 
lives of those who have not embraced a wide sphere of action, are un- 
interesting and perfectly devoid of any incitements to attention. Biogra- 
phies of warriors and statesmen are perused with avidity ; but it is not 
merely their own history, but that of the times in which they lived, at 
least partially so. But descending to the quieter walks of life, when we 
trace the history of a good and unfortunate man, through all the varied 
evolutions that peculiarly mark his fate, and prevent him from being en- 
rolled in the list of those beings who have found the path divested of thorns, 
it is, to some, still interesting} and although the incidents are not of a 
nature to excite wonder or astonishment, they may still possess the power 
to call forth the sympathy of minds of feeling — minds that have been 
taught to feel another's woe. 

John Joseph Henry, the author of the following pages, was born Novem- 
ber 4th, 1758, at Lancaster, Pennsylvania. His father, William Henry, 
was a man whose memory is still revered by those who possessed any know- 
ledge of him, his strict honesty and known probity rendering it sacred to 
such as claimed him as their friend. He was possessed of a mechanical 
genius in a strong degree. He it was who invented the well known 
screw-auger. 

Warmly addicted to this his favorite passion, he wished to instil into 
the minds of his children, a taste for mechanics. With some of them he 
succeeded. As soon as his son John Joseph had attained the age of fourteen, 
he bound him an apprentice to an uncle, who was a gunsmith, then a 
resident at Lancaster, but after sometime removed to Detroit, taking his 
nephew with him. At that place, his stay was but short, on account of 
scarcity of business. He returned on foot with a single guide, who died in 
the wilderness which lay between Detroit and his home. It was here that 
hardships and misfortune first were felt, his future companions during a 



xii. Memoir. 

length of years devoted to God and his country. Young Henry returned 
to his parents and home, dissatisfied with the employment a judicious father 
had pointed out for him, as the means by which he wished him to gain a 
future subsistence. His ardent mind panted after military glory. The 
troubles of his country, which was then making vigorous, and ultimately 
successful struggles for a total emancipation from slavery, wrought strongly 
upon one, the acme of whose hopes and wishes was, to be one of those 
who contended most for freedom. In the fall of 1775, he clandestinely 
joined a regiment of men raised in Lancaster county, for the purpose of 
joining Arnold, who at that time was stationed at Boston. His father 
was commissary to the troops, which office obliged him to attend them to 
Reading. It was at this time, under circumstances which rendered him 
most liable to detection from his parent, he left his home to wander, at 
the age of sixteen, in a strange land. Thus a thirst for glory inflamed his 
youthful breast, and superseded every other passion and affection of his 
heart. After enduring all the fatigues of a veteran soldier, they entered 
Canada on his birthday — an eventful one to him. He endured hard- 
ships here, which, in his own simple style, he fully enumerates. It was 
in prison, where he lay for nine months, that he contracted a disease (the 
scurvy), which at that time did not make its appearance, but six weeks 
afterwards, on his return home, at a time when least expected, it made its 
appearance under its most malignant form. It was at a time when it 
became a duty incumbent on him to continue in the army. A captaincy 
had been procured for him in the Virginia line, and a lieutenancy in that 
of Pennsylvania. He had designed to accept of the command under the 
hero Morgan, which was that of captain, but the disposer of all events 
arrested his career, and instead of his fond expectations being accomplished, 
all his hopes were blasted, his high prospects faded, and became a dreary 
void, by the order of that Omnipotence, who furnished him with that 
fortitude which enabled him, through all his misery, to kiss the rod that 
chastised him. It was after two years' continuance on the couch of sick- 
ness, his leg, which was the unfortunate cause of all his illness, began to 
heal, and renovated health to give hopes that peace yet remained for him. 
As his lameness precluded all possibility of his again entering the army; 
as he had, by a disregard of parental authority, at least so far as concerned 
his trade, forfeited his claim to his father's exertions to place him in such 
a situation as would make him capable of rendering himself useful to 
lociety, a vigorous effort on his part was necessary ; resolution ^las not 



Memoir. xiii. 

wanting ; it was made. He bound himself as an apprentice to John 
Hubley, Esq., prothonotary of the county of Lancaster, as a clerk in the 
office. Here for four years he pursued his business with the closest appli- 
cation, and discharged the duties of his office with unabated care and strict- 
ness ; and when the labors of the day were over, his nights were consumed 
in study, endeavoring to compensate himself, in some measure, for the 
neglect that his education had suffered by his becoming a soldier. His 
frame, still somewhat debilitated by his illness, was not capable of sustain- 
ing the fatigues of office; his health suffered much from labor so severe 
and application so intense. The time of his indentures being expired, he 
commenced the study of law, under Stephen Chambers, Esq. Here he 
became acquainted with his future companion in life, the youngest sister of 
Mr. Chambers. He practised law from the year 1785, until December, 
1793. As his law knowledge was known to be extensive, his abilities and 
talents met their due reward, with an appointment, by his excellency 
Thomas Mifflin, governor, to the office of president of the second judicial 
district of Pennsylvania. 

A number of years had now elapsed, his family was large; by an unfor- 
tunate removal to a country, at that period sickly, he was attacked by the 
gout, which from inexperience, and owing to his having no knowledge as 
to the consequences that would necessarily ensue, did not take proper pre- 
cautions, so as to render it a regular disease. Under that deceptious name, 
numerous disorders invaded his frame, and at times with so much severity, 
that he was necessitated to continue at home, which prevented him from 
executing his official duties as a judge. It was during seven long years of 
bodily suffering, that his mind and memory reverted to those scenes more 
forcibly than ever, which formed so eventful a period in a life of misfortune 
and vicissitude. The interesting narrative of the sufferings of that band 
of heroes, of which he was the youngest, is a simple tale of truth, which he 
undeviatingly throughout his book adheres to. 

He is supported in all his assertions, by the testimony of a number of his 
companions in that arduous campaign, men of character and respectability 
His relation of incidents, his descriptive accounts of the country they passed 
through, the situation of Quebec, and the disposition of the army, all mark 
him to have been a youth of accurate observation, of a comprehensive and 
intelligent mind. Possessing, as he must necessarily have done, activity of 
spirit and contempt of fatigue, he gained the approbation and esteem of his 
seniors. The buoyant spirits of youth rose high over misfortune ; under 



xiv. Memoir. 

the pressure of the severest distress, vivacity was still retained, and burst 
forth at intervals to cheer his hopeless companions. 

Disease had now made rapid progress on a constitution weakened by 
repeated attacks, and accumulation of disorders, which no skill could 
counteract or remedy. The nonperformance of his duties caused petitions 
from the several counties to be presented to the legislature, for his removal ; 
nothing was alleged against him but absence. That honorable house, 
having examined and considered the charges, acquitted him with honor. 
His commission he retained for the space of two years afterwards ; but ill- 
ness and debility increasing, and a knowledge of his infirmities being in- 
curable, compelled him to resign that office, which he had held with 
integrity, for seventeen years. Four months succeeding, his worn out frame 
was destined to feel the stroke of death, and his freed soul to seek refuge 
in the bosom of his Father and his God. He died at Lancaster, April 15th, 
1811, aged 53. 



m 



ARNOLD'S CAMPAIGN AGAINST QUEBEC 



PRELIMINARY. 

When the bold enterprise of invading Canada by the 
way of the Kennebec river and the uninhabited wilder- 
ness of Maine had been determined upon by Washington, 
in the autumn of 1775, he wrote to congress as follows, 
on the 21st September, from Cambridge, Mass., where 
the American army was encamped : 

I am now to inform the honorable congress that, encouraged by the 
repeated declarations of the Canadians and Indians, and urged by their 
requests, I have detached Col. Arnold, with one thousand men, to penetrate 
into Canada by way of Kennebec river, and, if possible, to make himself 
master of Quebec. By this manoeuvre I proposed either to divert Carleton 
from St. John's, which would leave a free passage to General Schuyler, or, 
if this did not take effect, Quebec, in its present defenceless state, must fall 
into his hands an easy prey. I made all possible inquiry as to the distance, 
the safety of the route, and the danger of the season being too far advanced, 
but found nothing in either to deter me from proceeding, more especially as 
it met with very general approbation from all whom I consulted upon it. 
But that nothing might be omitted to enable me to judge of its propriety 
and probable consequences, I communicated it, by express, to General 
Schuyler, who approved of it in such terms that I resolved to put it in 
immediate execution. They have now left this place seven days, and, if 
favored with a good wind, I hope soon to hear of their being safe in 
Kennebec river. 

A copy of his plan of the proposed route was sent to 
congress, in the following words : 

Route to Quebec, yVow Kennebec River. 
From the mouth of Kennebec river to Quebec, on a straight line, h 
two hundred and ten miles. The river is navigable for sloops about thirty- 
eight miles, and for flat-bottomed boats about twenty-two miles ; then you 
meet Taconick falls, and from Taconick falls to Norridgewock, as the 
river runs, thirty-one miles ; from thence to the first carrying place, about 
thirty miles; carrying place four miles, then a pond to cross, and another 
carrying place, about two miles to another pond; then a carrying place 
about three or four miles to another pond ; then a carrying place to the 
western branch of Kennebec river, called the Dead river; then up that 



2 Campaign against ^ebec, 1775. 

river, as it runs, thirty miles, some small falls and short carrying places 
around them intervening; then you come to the height of the land, and 
about six miles carrying place, into a branch which leads into Ammeguntick 
pond, the head of Chaudiere river, which falls into the St. Lawrence 
river about four miles above Quebec. 

From the American Archives of Peter Force, Wash- 
ington's instructions to Arnold are given, intrusting him 
with the command of the forces detached from the main 
army for the expedition, and the course he was to pursue 
in the execution of his important mission. 

To Co/one/ Benedict Arnold, Commander of the Detachment of the Continental 
Arm^ destined against Quebec : 

Sir : You are intrusted with a com'^and of the utmost consequence to 
the interest and liberties of America ; upon your conduct and courage, and 
that of the officers and soldiers detached on this expedition, not only the 
success of the present enterprise, and your own honor, but the safety and 
welfare of the whole continent, may depend. I charge you, therefore, and 
the officers and soldiers under your command, as you value your own safety 
and honor, and the favor and esteem of your country, that you consider 
yourselves as marching, not through an enemy's country, but that of our 
friends and brethren — for such the inhabitants of Canada and the Indian 
Nations have ^approved themselves in this unhappy contest between Great 
Britain and America ; that you check, by every motive of duty and fear 
of punishment, every attempt to plunder or insult any of the inhabitants of 
Canada. Should any American soldier be so base and infamous as to injure 
any Canadian or Indian, in his person or property, I do most earnestly 
enjoin you to bring him to such severe and exemplary punishment as the 
enormity of the crime may require ; should it extend to death itself, it will 
not be disproportioned to its guilt at such a time and in such a cause. 
But I hope and trust that the brave men who have voluntarily engaged in 
this expedition will be governed by diffi;rent views ; that order, discipline, 
and regularity of behavior, will be as conspicuous as their courage and 
valor. I also give it in charge to you to avoid all disrespect or contempt 
of the religion of the country; and if common prudence, policy, and a true 
Christian spirit, will lead us to look with compassion upon their errors, 
without insulting them, while we are contending for our own liberty, we 
should be very cautious of violating the rules of conscience in others, ever 
considering that God alone is the judge of the heart of man, and to him 
only in this case they are answerable. 

Upon the whole. Sir, I beg you to inculcate upon the officers and soldiers 
the necessity of preserving the strictest order during their march through 
Canada ; to represent to them the shame, disgrace, and ruin, to themselves 
and country, if they should, by their conduct, turn the heart of our brethren 
in Canada against us ; and, on the other hand, the honors and rewards 
which await them, if, by their prudence and good behavior, they conciliate 
the affections of the Canadians and Indians to the great interests of America, 



Campaign against ^ebec^ ^77 S- 3 

and convert those favorable dispositions they have shown into a lasting union 
and affection. 

Thus wishing you, and the officers and soldiers under your command, 
honor, safety, and success, I remain. Sir, your most obedient humble 
servant, 

George Washington. 
To Colonel Benedict Arnold : 

1. You are immediately on their march from Cambridge to take the 
command of the detachment from the Continental Army against (Quebec, 
and use all possible expedition, as the winter season is now advancing, and 
the success of this enterprise (under God) depends wholly upon the spirit 
with which it is pushed, and the favorable disposition of the Canadians and 
Indians. 

2. When you come to Newburyport. you are to make all possible inquiry 
what men of war or cruisers there may be on the coast, to which this de- 
tachment may be exposed on their voyage to Kennebec river; and if you 
shall find that there is danger of being intercepted, you are not to proceed 
by water, but by land, taking care on the one hand not to be diverted by 
light and vague reports, and on the other not to expose the troops rashly to 
a danger which by many judicious persons has been deemed very considerable. 

3. You are by every means in your power to endeavor to discover the 
real sentiments of the Canadians towards our cause, and particularly as to 
this expedition 5 ever bearing in mind that if they are averse to it, and 
will not cooperate, or at least willingly acquiesce, it must fail of success. 
In this case you are by no means to prosecute the attempt. The expense 
of the expedition and the disappointment are not to be put in competition 
with the dangerous consequences which may ensue from irritating them 
against us, and detaching them from that neutrality which they have 
adopted. 

. 4. In order to cherish those favorable sentiments to the American cause 
that they have manifested, you are as soon as you arrive in their country 
to disperse a number of the addresses you will have with you, particularly in 
those parts where your route shall lie, and observe the strictest discipline and 
good order, by no means suffering any inhabitant to be abused, or in any 
manner injured, either in his person or property j punishing with exemplary 
severity every person who shall transgress, and making ample compensation 
to the party injured. 

5. Vou are to endeavor, on the other hand, to conciliate the affections 
of those people, and such Indians as you may meet with, by every means 
in your power; convincing them that we come at the request of many of 
their principal people, not as robbers, or to make war upon them, but as 
the friends and supporters of their liberties as well as ours ; and, to give 
efficacy to these sentiments, you must carefully inculcate upon the officers 
and soldiers under your command, that not only the good of their country, 
and their honor, but their safety, depends upon the treatment of these 
people. 

6. Check every idea and crush in its earliest stage every attempt to 
plunder, even those who are known to be enemies to our cause; it will 
create dreadful apprehensions in our friends, and when it is once begun, none 



4 Campaign against Quebec ^ i775- 

can tell where it will stop. I therefore again most expressly order that it 
be discouraged and punished, in every instance, without distinction. 

7. Whatever king's stores you shall be so fortunate as to possess yourselves 
of are to be secured for the continental use, agreeable to the rules and regu- 
lations of war published by the honorable congress. The officers and 
men may be assured that any extraordinary services performed by them will 
be suitably rewarded. 

8. Spare neither pains nor expense to gain all possible intelligence on 
your march, to prevent surprises and accidents of every kind ; and endeavor, 
if possible, to correspond with General Schuyler, so that you may act in 
concert with him. This I think may be done by means of the St. Fran9ois 
Indians. 

9. In case of a union with General Schuyler, or if he should be in 
Canada upon your arrival there, you are by no means to consider yourself as 
upon a separate and independent command, but are to put yourself under 
him, and follow his directions. Upon this occasion, and -all others, I 
recommend most earnestly to avoid all contention about rank. In such a 
cause, every post is honorable in which a man can serve his country. 

10. If Lord Chatham's son should be in Canada, and in any way fall in 
your power, you are enjoined to treat him with all possible deference and re- 
spect. You cannot err in paying too much honor to the son of so illustrious 
a character and so true a friend to America. Any other prisoners who may 
fall into your hands you will treat with a? much humanity and kindness as 
may be consistent with your own safety and the public interest. Be very 
particular in restraining not only your own troops but the Indians from all 
acts of cruelty and insult which will disgrace the American arms, and irritate 
our fellow-subjects against us. 

11. You will be particularly careful to pay the full value for all pro- 
visions or other accommodations which the Canadians may provide for you 
on your march ; by no means press them or any of their cattle into your 
service, but amply compensate those who voluntarily assist you. For this 
purpose you are provided with a sum of money in specie, which you will 
use with as much frugality and economy as your necessities and good policy 
will admit, keeping as exact account as possible of your disbursements. 

12. You are by every opportunity to inform me of your progress, your 
prospect, and intelligence, and upon any important occurrence to despatch 
an express. 

13. As the season is now far advanced, you are to make all possible 
despatch ; but if unforeseen difficulties should arise, or if the weather should 
become so severe as to render it hazardous to proceed, in your own judgment 
and that of your principal officers, whom you are to consult, in that case 
you are to return, giving me as early notice as possible, that I may give you 
such assistance as may be necessary. 

14. As the contempt of the religion of a country, by ridiculing any of its 
ceremonies or affronting its ministers or votaries, has ever been deeply 
resented, you are to be particularly careful to restrain every officer and 
soldier from such imprudence and folly, and to punish every instance of it. 
On the other hand, as far as lies in your power, you are to protect and 
support the free exercise of the religion of the country, and the undisturbed 



Campaign against ^ebec, ^77 S' 5 

enjoyment of the rights of conscience in religious matters, with your utmost 
influence and authority. 

George Washington. 

The address to the people of Canada was printed for 
distribution as opportunity offered, and was in the follow- 
ing words : 

By bis Excellency George Washington, Esquire, Commander in Chief of 

the Army of the United Colonies of North America. 
To the Inhabitants of Canada ; 

Friends and Brethren : The unnatural contest between the English 
colonies and Great Britain has now risen to such a height, that arms alone 
must decide it. The colonies, confiding in the justice of their cause and 
the purity of their intentions, have reluctantly appealed to that Being in 
whose hands are all human events. He has hitherto smiled upon their 
virtuous efforts. The hand of tyranny has been arrested in its ravages, and 
the British arms, which have shone with so much splendor in every part 
of the globe, are now tarnished with disgrace and disappointment. Gene- 
rals of approved experience, who boasted of subduing this great continent, 
find themselves circumscribed within the limits of a single city and its sub- 
urbs, suffering all the shame and distress of a siege, while the freeborn 
sons of America, animated by the genuine principles of liberty and love of 
their country, with increasing union, firmness, and discipline, repel every 
attack, and despise every danger. Above all, we rejoice that our enemies 
have been deceived with regard to you ; they have persuaded themselves, 
they have even dared to say, that the Canadians were not capable of dis- 
tinguishing between the blessings of liberty and the wretchedness of slavery j 
that gratifying the vanity of a little circle of nobility would blind the eyes 
of the people of Canada ; by such artifices they hoped to bend you to their 
views, but they have been deceived; instead of finding in you that poverty 
of soul and baseness of spirit, they see, with a chagrin equal to our joy, that 
you are enlightened, generous, and virtuous; that you will not renounce 
your own rights, or serve as instruments to deprive your fellow-subjects of 
theirs. 

Come, then, my brethren, unite with us in an indissoluble union ; let us 
run together to the same goal. We have taken up arms in defence of our 
liberty, our property, our wives, and our children ; we are determined to 
preserve them or die. We look forward with pleasure to that day, not 
far remote, we hope, when the inhabitants of America shall have one 
sentiment, and the full enjoyment of the blessings of a free Government. 
Incited by these motives, and encouraged by the advice of many friends of 
liberty among you, *he grand American congress have sent an army into 
your province, under the command of General Schuyler, not to plunder, 
but to protect you; to animate and bring forth into action those sentiments 
of freedom you have disclosed, and which the tools of despotism would 
extinguish through the whole creation. To cooperate with this design, 
and to frustrate those cruel and perfidious schemes which would deluge our 
frontiers with the blood of women and children, I have detached Colonel 
Arnold into your country, with a part of the army under my command. I 



6 Campaign against ^ebec J ^11 S' 

have enjoined upon him, and I am certain that he will consider himself, 
and act as in the country of his patrons and best friends. Necessaries and 
accommodations of every kind which you may furnish he will thankfully 
receive, and render the full value. I invite you, therefore, as friends and 
brethren, to provide him with such supplies as your country affords ; and 
I pledge myself not only for your safety and security, but for ample compensa- 
tion. Let no man desert his habitation. Let no one flee as before an 
enemy. The cause of America and of liberty is the cause of every virtuous 
American citizen, whatever may be his religion or his descent. The 
United Colonies know no distinction but such as slavery, corruption, and 
arbitrary domination, may create. Come, then, ye generous citizens, range 
yourselves under the standard of general liberty, against which all the force 
and artifice of tyranny will never be able to prevail. 

George Washington. 

The following order is found among the general orders 
of the commander in chief, of Sept. 8, 1775 : 

The detachment going under the command of Colonel Arnold, to be 
forthwith taken off the roll of duty, and to march this evening to Cambridge 
common, where tents and every thing necessary are provided for their 
reception. The rifle company at Roxbury, and those from Prospect hill, to 
march early to-morrow morning, to join the above detachment. Such 
officers and men as are taken from General Green's brigade, for the above 
detachment, are to attend the muster of their respective regiments to-morrow 
morning, at seven o'clock, upon Prospect hill ; when the muster is finished, 
they are forthwith to rejoin the detachment at Cambridge. 

So many journals of this expedition have been pre- 
served, and published with annotations and introductions 
more or less extensive, some of the more important of 
them are alluded to instead of going over the same ground 
with an elaborate introduction to the narrative which 
Judge Henry has left to us. 

The most complete and circumstantial of these narra- 
tives that have attained to publication, are those of Henry, 
Thayer and Senter. The former was published in a 
separate volume in 1812, and has since been republished. 
Senter's may be found in vol. i of the Penn. Hist. Soci- 
ety Bulletin. The Journal of Melvin has been published 
in two or three editions. Meigs's in the Mass. Hist. 
Soc. Collections. Ware's in the New Eng. Hist, and 
Genealogical Register, annotated by Mr. Justin Winsor. 
The Maine Hist. Soc. Collections, vol. i, 2d ed., gives 
several of Arnold's letters and orders during the expedi- 



Campaign against Quebec ^ ^11 S- 7 

tion, and a narrative principally derived from the pub- 
lished journals. The Journal oi Capt, Thayer has been 
elaborately annotated by the Rev. Edwin M. Stone, and 
published by him with an exhaustive bibliographical and 
historical introduction, which has been published entire 
in the Rhode Island Hist. Soc. Collections. 

In view of the well preserved narratives in the collec- 
tions of the historical societies ot this remarkable episode 
in the history of the revolution, the publication of a new 
edition of Judge Henry's simple but truthful account of 
the expedition, was thought to be an enterprise of doubt- 
ful utility, unless accompanied by new and important 
adjuncts, further illustrating its authenticity, and the 
movements ot the actors in the scene. Whatever it 
may lack therefore in bringing out new and startling facts, 
the contribution oi a new memoir of Judge Henry, a 
few brief notes, and an index, so often omitted in such 
works, together with some documentary papers intro- 
ductory to the narrative, are relied upon as an apology 
for the present edition, the previous crude ones being 
entirely out of print, and unattainable. 

The narrative of Henry is the only one giving an ac- 
count of the pioneer expedition of his party to discover 
the source of the Chaudiere river, a service that was ex- 
ecuted with much energy and expedition, and attended 
with great peril and hardship. Looking at the exploit 
from this distant period, there seems to have been a good 
deal of misdirecteci energy and hardihood in the conduct 
of the enterprise, occasioning disaster and loss by un- 
skillful management, amounting almost to recklessness, 
by which provisions and munitions of all kinds were 
wrecked, and time and human force inefficiently ex- 
pended. The pioneer detachment under Steele, and the 
advance party under Arnold made good progress, but 
there was apparent lagging in the rear in bringing up the 
supplies, and the final defection of Enos was fatal to the ! 
entire success of the expedition, which was the capture | 
of Quebec. The attainment of that object would have 



8 Campaign against ^ebec^ ^11 S' 

secured Canada to the revolutionists, and saved the valu- 
able lives of Montgomery and others, and might have 
given another destiny to Arnold. 

The original edition of the narrative was published at 
Lancaster, Pa., in 1812, with the following notice, and 
recommendation by one of the compatriots of the author. 

To THE Public. 

This work is given to the world, as left by Judge 
Henry. Had he lived to superintend the printing of it 
himself, many alterations would, no doubt, have been 
made, many passages which may at present appear ob- 
scure, would have been fully explained, and many differ- 
ences of style corrected. As the work purports to be 
written by Judge Henry, it was thought improper to 
make any alterations or additions, trusting that the world, 
when acquainted with the circumstances under which it 
was published, will be disposed to pardon trivial errors 
as to the truth of the principal facts. The following letter 
from General Michael Simpson, is ample testimony : 

. Dear Sir : I have read your work " of the expedition 
through the wilderness in 1775." So far as I was con- 
cerned in the transactions related in the work, they are 
truly stated. That expedition, perhaps the most arduous 
during the rej^iplutionary war, is truly represented. The 
public may, in the general, be assured that the account 
is genuine. 

Your humble servant, 

Michael Simpson.* 



' For a notice of Michael Simpson see a subsequent page. 






CAMPAIGN AGAINST QUEBFX. 



By John Joseph Henry. 



My dear Children : 

There is a point in the history of the American 
revolution, hitherto little attended to ; as yet imperfectly 
related, and now at this late day almost forgotten ; which 
would deserve and require the talents and genius of a 
Xenophon, to do it real justice. As your father in early 
life had a concern in that adventure, permit him to relate 
to you in the words of truth, a compendious detail of the 
sufferings of a small band of heroes ; unused, to be sure, 
to military tactics and due subordination, but whose souls 
were fired by an enthusiastic love of country, and a 
spirit such as has often inspired our ancestors, when 
determined to be free. In giving you this relation, 
knowing him as you do, you will scarcely call in question 
his veracity ; particularly when he assures you upon the 
honor of a gentleman and an honest man, that every word 
here related, to the best of his recollection and belief, is 
literally true. He could not be so unjust to your morals, 
your veracity, or integrity, as to state any thing to you 
which he knew, or even suspected to be untrue. He 
has himself been too much the victim of base liars, not 
to endeavor to eradicate so vile a principle from your 
minds. His own education, though made by his truant- 
isms (in avoidance of the bounteous and liberal designs 
of his good father), an incorrect one, yet the piety and 
real religious fervor of his parents, never would tolerate 
a lie. This mental vice, to them, was the greatest of 



lo Campaign against ^ehec^ ^775- 

all abominations, as it is with your father : it is also his 
most fervent hope and prayer, that every one of you, 
will not only contemn the lie, but hold in sovereign 
detestation the liar. 

Persons at your age, and at this advanced stage of 
the improvement and melioration of our soil, in a climate 
so far south as ours, can scarcely form a correct con- 
ception, but from actual observation, of the sterility, the 
dreariness and the destitution of every comfort of life, 
which a wilderness in a high northern latitude exhibits. 
A confidence however in your good sense, encourages, 
and in fact animates him, to put that upon paper, which 
has a thousand times, in detached parcels, been the subject 
of amusing prattle around the fireside. This is done the 
rather at this time, as some very atrocious scoundrels 
who never looked an enemy in the eye, now assume the 
garlands and honors which ought to adorn the brows of 
more worthy men. 

In the autumn of 1775, our adorable Washington 
thought it prudent to make a descent upon Canada. A 
detachment from the American grand army, then in the 
vicinity of Boston, Massachusetts, was organized, to 
fulfil this intention, by the route of the Kennebec and 
Chaiidiere rivers. It was intended as a cooperation with 
the army of General Montgomery, who had entered the 
same province, by the way of Champlain and Montreal. 
Colonel Benedict Arnold was appointed the commander 
in chief of the whole division. The detachment consisted 
of eleven hundred men. Enos' was second in command.. 
Of this I knew nothing, but from report. Riflemen 
composed a part of the armament. These companies, 
from sixty-five to seventy-five strong, were from the 
southward : that is. Captain Daniel Morgan's company 

' The expedition consisted of two battalions ; the first commanded by) 
Lieut. Col. Christopher Greene ; the second under Lt. Col. Roger Enos.| 
It was subdivided into three divisions, the rear division being under the '\ 
command of Enos, who, 25th October, abandoned the enterprise with his 
division, ignominiously taking the provisions, and returned to Cambridge. — M. \ 

^- ,.;,,...- ^ ' ■■ . 4 . ., ., . ^.. 

^—' ' "■ 



Campaign against Quebec ^ I775- n 

from Virginia ; that of Captain William Hendricks from 
Cumberland county in Pennsylvania, and Captain Matthew 
Smith's company from the county of Lancaster, in the 
latter province/ The residue, and bulk of this corps 
consisted of troops from Massachusetts, Rhode Island 
and Connecticut. It has flown from my memory, 
whether we had any from New Hampshire ; but there 
is an impression on my mind that we had, as General 
Dearborn, who was of the latter province, commanded 
a company in the expedition. All these men were of as 
rude and hardy a race as ourselves, and as unused to the 
discipline of a camp, and as fearless as we were. It fell 
to me to know many of them afterwards intimately ; 
speaking generally, without any allusion to particulars, 
they were an excellent body of men, formed by nature 
as the stamina of an army, fitted for a tough and tight 
defence of the liberties of their country. The principal 
distinction between us, was in our dialects, our arms, 
and our dress. Each man of the three companies bore 
a rifle-barreled gun, a tomahawk, or small axe, and a 
long knife, usually called a scalping-knife, which served 
for all purposes, in the woods. His under-dress, by no 
means in a military style, was covered by a deep ash- 
colored hunting-shirt, leggings and moccasins, if the latter 
could be procured. It was the silly fashion of those 
times, for riflemen to ape the manners of savages.^ 

'^ No sooner was a call for volunteers issued in 1775, than we find a 
company formed in Paxton and Derry in Pa., to march to (Quebec ; having as 
officers and privates Matthew Smith, James Crouch, Richard Dixon, 
Robert McClure, Archibald Steele, Michael Simpson, John Joseph Henry, 
John Harris, eldest son of John Harris founder of Harrisburgh, and other 
honored names, now seldom recalled, but the remembrance of whose valiant 
deeds, hardy endurance, and patriotic sacrifices will never be forgotten by a 
grateful people. Dixon and Harris never returned from g^^ticc. One of 
them certainly was killed there ; the fate of the latter is quite uncertain. — 
Centennial Address at Harrisburgh, July 4, I S 7 6, by A. B. Hamilton. — M. 

' The Canadians who first saw these men emerge from the woods, said 
they were -vetu en toile, clothed in linen. The word toUe was changed to 
• fo/e, iron plate. By a mistake of a single word the fears of the people were 
greaJily increased, for the news spread that the mysterious army that descend- 
ed from the wilderness was clad in sheet iron. — M. 



12 Campaign against ^ebec^ ^775- 

Our commander, Arnold, was of a remarkable cha- 
racter. He was brave, even to temerity ; was beloved 
by the soldiery, perhaps for that quality only. He 
possessed great powers of persuasion, was complaisant ; 
but, withal, sordidly avaricious. Arnold was a short, 
handsome man, of a florid complexion, stoutly made, and 
forty years old at least." 

On the other hand Morgan was a large, strong bodied 
personage, whose appearance gave the idea history has left 
us of Belisarius. His manners were of the severer 
cast ; but where he became attached he was kind and 
truly affectionate. This is said, from experience of the 
most sensitive and pleasing nature ; activity, spirit and 
courage in a soldier, procured his good will and esteem. 

Hendricks was tall, of a mild and beautiful counte- 
nance. His soul was animated by a genuine spark of 
heroism. Smith was a good looking man, had the air 
of a soldier, was illiterate and outrageously talkative. 
The officers of the eastern troops were many of them 
men of sterling worth. Colonel Christopher Greene 
seemed too far advanced in life for such hard service, 
yet he was inspired by an ardor becoming a youth. He 
afterwards did the public good service at Redbank on the 
Delaware, in the autumn of 1777. Majors Meigs, 
Febiger and Bigelow, were excellent characters. As 
we acted in the advance, the latter gentlemen were not 
well known to us, until sometime afterwards. Your 
father was too young to enjoy any other honor than that 
of exposing himself, in the character of a cadet, to every 
danger. This little army in high spirits, marched from 
Prospect hill near Cambridge in Massachusetts, on the 
iith of September, 1775, and on the following day^ 

' Arnold was but thirty-four years of age at this time. Notices of Arnold 
are found in the biographical dictionaries and elsewhere, and a pedigree of 
his family is given in Hough's Am. Biog. Notes, p. 8. — M. 

2 Portions of the army took different routes to Newburyport. The 
companies under Major Return J. Meigs marched from Roxbury, through 
Cambridge, Mystick, Maiden, Lynn, Salem, Danvers, Beverly, Wenham, 
and Rowley. - 7l<fi2,?j. Hist. Soc. Coll., 2d series, 11, 227, 228. 



Campaign against ^ebec^ ^11 S- ^3 

arrived at Newburyport (which is formed by the waters 
of the Merrimac river). This place, at that time, was a 
small but commercial town, near the border of Massa- 
chusetts. Here we remained encamped five days, provid- 
ing ourselves with such articles of real necessity, as our 
small means afforded. On the afternoon of the sixth 
day, we embarked aboard of ten transports ;^ sailed in 
the evening, and at dawn of day descried the mouth of the 
Kennebec river. The. wind was strong but fair. The 
distance of this run was 150 miles. We ascended the 
river to Colonel Colborn's ship yard ;^ here we left our 
vessels, and obtained bateaux, with which we proceeded 
to Fort Western. At this place, on the day of our arrival, 
an arrangement was made by the commander in chief, 
which in all probability sealed the destiny of your parent. 
It was concluded to dispatch an officer and seven men 
in advance, for the purposes of ascertaining and marking 
the paths, which were used bv the Indians at the numer- 
ous carrying-places in the wilderness, towards the heads 
of the river ; and also, to ascertain the course of the river 
Chaudiere, which runs from the height of land, towards 
Quebec. 

To give some degree of certainty of success to so 
hazardous an enterprise, Arnold found it necessary to 



' On the 19th the detachment, consisting of ten companies ofmusketmen, 
and three companies of riflemen, amounting to iioo men, embarked on 
board of ten transports, and sailed for the Kennebec river. — Ihid, 228. — M. 

^ The bateaux were built at Agry's point, about two miles below Gardiner, 
the residence of Major Colborn. It is mentioned in Meigs's Journal of the 
expedition, that but fourteen days had elapsed since orders had been given 
for building two hundred bateaux, collecting provisions for and levying 
eleven hundred men, and marching them to this place. Here the army 
embarked, on the 22d September, having taken two days to transfer their 
baggage and stores. It is mentioned in Hanson's History of Gardner and 
Pittston, that Col. Colborn, who built the bateaux, was never paid for them, 
and that his heirs unsuccessfully petitioned congress for remuneration. In 
Thayer's Journal the construction of the bateaux is most severely condemned 
as a fraud upon the government. See p. 6, Thayer's Journal^ R. I, 
Collections, vol. 6. — M. 



14 Campaign against ^ebec^ ^11 S- 

select an officer of activity and courage ; the choice fell 
upon Archibald Steele' of Smith's company, a man of 
an active, courageous, sprightly and hardy disposition, 
who was complimented with the privilege of naming his 
companions. These consisted of Jesse Wheeler, George 
Merchant, and James Clifton, of Morgan's ; and Robert 
Cunningham, Thomas Boyd, John Tidd, and John 

' Archibald Steele, a brother of Gen. John Steele, was a man of great 
intrepidity and resolute daring. Upon the breaking out of the Revolution 
he and a man named Smith raised a company in Lancaster county and 
marched to Boston, where they were organized into a regiment and placed 
under the command of Benedict Arnold. This was the regiment that made 
the celebrated march through the wilderness of Maine to Quebec, in the 
winter of 1775, which has ever been remembered as one memorable in the 
annals of American history. During this march Archibald Steele had the 
command of a party of men who were selected to go before the army and 
mark out the roads and crossing places ; and on the arrival of the army at 
the St. Lawrence he was appointed superintendent of the crossing of the 
river. At the head of his company Steele marched with the army to the 
attack upon Quebec, but upon the fall of Gen. Montgomery the Americans 
retreated, and Arnold's division were all taken prisoners. He was badly 
wounded in the left hand, two of his fingers having been carried away by 
a musket shot. The following may be cited as showing the heroic daring 
of Capt. Archibald Steele : On one occasion as the Americans were crossing 
a river in bark canoes, these were filled to their utmost capacity with men, 
and Capt. Steele seeing no room in the canoe leaped into the river, rested 
his hands on the stern of the boat whilst one of the men therein sat upon 
them, and thus was he dragged through the floating ice to the opposite 
shore. When they reached the shore, life was almost extinct; the soldiers 
wrapped him in their blankets, and rolled him over the ground to infuse 
new life in him. On his return home from the Quebec expedition he met 
the American army in New Jersey, and was informed by Gen. Hand that 
two of his brothers, John Steele and Wm. Steele, were then serving with 
the army. Capt. Archibald Steele asked Gen. Hand if he thought his 
brother John would be competent to assume the command of a company 
(being but eighteen years of age.) Hand replied that he would warrant 
his qualification, and the commission was produced. Archibald Steele was 
afterwards appointed deputy quartermaster general, a position he retained 
for some considerable time. He was appointed by Washington colonel of 
a western expedition, but sickness prevented the acceptance of this com- 
mand He held tor some time in Philadelphia his position of military 
storekeeper. He died in Philadelphia, Oct. 19, 1832, aged 91 years. He 
had three sons in the naval service during the war of 1812 (George, 
William and Matthias), who were captured, taken to England, and there 
for a time detained as prisoners of war. — Harris's B'log. Hut. Lancaster 
Co., Pa., 561. 



Campaign against ^ebec, '^11 S' ^5 

M'Konkey, of Smith's company. Though a very youth, 
yet in a small degree accustomed to hardships, derived 
from long marches in the American woods, Steele's 
course of selection next fell upon your father, who was 
his messmate and friend. Two birch-bark canoes were 
provided ; and two guides, celebrated for the manage- 
ment of such water craft, and who knew the river as 
high up as the great carrying-place were also found. 
These were Jeremiah Getchel, a very respectable man, 
and John Home, an Irishman who had grown gray in 
this cold climate. 

This small party, unconscious of danger, and animated 
by a hope of applause from their country, set forward 
from Fort Western in their light barks, at the rate of 
from fifteen to twenty, and in good water, twenty-five 
miles per day. These canoes are so light, that a person 
of common strength may carry one of the smallest kind, 
such as ours were, many hundred yards without halting.^ 
Yet they will bear a great burden, and swim nearly 
gunwale deep ; an admirable description of them is given 
by Hearne, in his Journey to the Coppermine river. 
Steele's canoe bore five men with their arms and 
baggage, which last was indeed light in quantity and 
quality, one barrel of pork, one bag of meal, and 200 
weight of biscuit. The other canoe carried seven men, 
their arms and baggage, and a due proportion of provisions. 



' The gentlemen composing this party were unwilling to impose upon 
me, any thing above my apparent strength, yet in the heyday of youth, I 
would clap a canoe on my back, and run a hundred yards across a carrying- 
place. This is done by a particular mode of management. There is a 
broad stave, something like a flour barrel-stave, but straight and thicker, 
with two perforations in it, an inch or more apart, towards the middle of 
the stave. A thong of stout leather is inserted through those holes, and 
tightly bound to the central cross-bar of the canoe. The carrier swings 
the canoe by a sudden jerk upon his shoulders, and which he can handle 
with ease, throwing the hollow side of the canoe on his back, the stave, if 
it may be so called, resting principally on the hind part of the head, and 
the prominences of the shoulders. Thus he may, if a strong man, pass 
over a considerable space of ground of a difficult nature, in a short time 
with much speed. — Henry. 



1 6 Campaign against ^ebec, 1775. 

On the evening of the 23d of September, our party 
arrived at Fort Halifax,' situated on the [)oint formed by 
a junction of the Sebasticook and Kennebec rivers. 
Here our commander, Steele, was accosted by a Captain 
Harrison, or Huddlestone, inviting him and the company 
to his house. The invitation was gladly accepted, as the 
accommodation at the fort, which consisted of old block 
houses and a stockade in a ruinous state, did not admit 
of much comfort ; besides it was inhabited, as our friend 
the captain said, by a rank tory. Here for the first time 
the application of the American term tory^ was defined 
to me by the captain. Its European definition was well 
known before. Anot'her interesting conversation upon 
the part of the captain, struck my mind as a great 
curiosity in natural history, and well deserving com- 
memoration ; he observed that he had immigrated to the 
place he then resided at, about thirty years before, most 
probably with his parents, for he did not then appear to 
be much beyond forty. That at that period the common 
deer which now inhabits our more southern climate, was 
the only animal of the deer kind which they knew, un- 
less it was the elk ; and them but partially. In a short 
space of time the moose deer appeared in small numbers, 
but increased annually afterwards, and as the one species 
became more numerous, the other diminished : so that 
the kind of deer first spoken of, at the time of this infor- 
mation, according to the captain, was totally driven from 
that quarter. The, moose deer reigned the master of 
the forest. This anecdote, if true, might in such minds 



' Fort Halifax was built by Gov. Shirley of Massachusetts in 1754, by 
engagement with the Plymouth company, who were to build Fort Western 
at Cushnoc now Augusta. It was located at Ticonic, the conHuence of the 
Sebasticook with the Kennebec, and was built of hewn timber, with a block 
house at opposite angles of the fort, and picketed. Plans of both forts are 
given in North's History of Augusta. At Ticonic was the first carrying 
place, where all the provisions and baggage had to be transported by land a 
distance of eighty rods, and the bateaux dragged over by human force aided 
by a yoke of oxen. — M. 



Campaign against Quebec ^ ^11 S' '7 

as those of BufFon, or De Pauw, give occasion to systems 
in natural history, totally inconsistent with the laws of 
nature ; still there may be something in it ; animals, like 
human beings, whether forced by necessity or from 
choice, do migrate. Many instances rriight be given 
of this circumstance of the animal economy, in various 
parts of the world. The above relation is the only 
instance which has come to my knowledge, where one 
species has expelled another of the same genus. If the 
fact be true, it is either effected by a species of warfare, 
or some peculiarity in the appearance of the one kind, 
and of horror or perhaps of disgust in the other; we know 
the rock goat [steinbock of the Germans and boquetin of 
the French) formerly inhabited the low hills of southern 
France and of the Pyrenees ; they have been driven 
thence by some peculiar cause, for they are now con- 
fined to the tops of the highest mountains in Europe. It 
is true, it has been frequently advanced by men of re- 
spectability and information in Pennsylvania, that the 
grey fox which is indigenous in the United States, and 
all North America, has been driven from the Atlantic 
sea coast into the interior, by the introduction of the red 
fox from Europe. But we have no sufficient data to 
warrant this assertion. The truth probably is, that as 
the grey fox is a dull and slow animal, compared with the 
sprightliness, rapidity, and cunning of the red fox, that 
the first has been thinned by the huntsmen, and gradually 
receded from the seacoast to the forest, where, from his 
habits, he is more secure. The cunning and prowess 
of the latter, has enabled him to maintain his station 
among the farms, in despite of the swiftness and power- 
ful scent of the dogs. But that which puts this assertion 
out of view, is that the red fox is indigenous throughout 
North America. He and the grey fox are found in the 
highest latitudes, but there, their skins are changed into 
more beautiful furs than those of ours, by the effects of 
climate. Another notion has been started within these 



I 8 Campaign against ^ebec^ '^11 S- 

twenty years pas^ of the fox squirrel expelling the large 
grey squirrel : but it is fallacious. 

Be these things as they may, we spent an agreeable 
and most sociable evening with this respectable man, and 
his amiable family. On the following day, our party 
rose early, and accompanied by our host, waited upon 
the tory^ who then showed himself to be an honest man, 
of independent principles, and who claimed the right of 
thinking for himself. He exchanged a barrel of smoke- 
dried salmon for a barrel of pork, upon honest terms. 

We set out from this place, well pleased with our host, 
the old tory, and our bargain. In a very few days, 
without other accident than the spraining of Lieut. 
Steele's ancle, by his slipping, when carrying a canoe 
over the path, at one of the intermediate portages, we 
arrived safely at Norridgewock falls. Coming to the 
landing place, the water being smooth and very deep, a 
rock, as we passed it, drew my attention very particularly, 
it was standing in a conical form, five feet in perpen- 
dicular height, and ten or twelve feet in diameter at the 
base. I observed that next the water, the face of the 
rock, which was a bluish flint, was, as it were, scalloped 
out, down to the very water's edge. Asking Getchel 
how this had occurred, his reply was that the Indians, in 
former times, had from thence obtained their spear and 
arrow points. It seems unreasonable that without a 
knowledge of iron, they should have been capable of 
executing such a labor. However, upon observation and 
reflection, since Getchel's time, an inducement from 
experience and reasoning occurs, which influences me to 
believe that he might have been correct in his observation. 
The rock, no doubt, still remains, and there is leisure 
for inquiry and discussion. 

We were hurried. The village within one hundred 
yards of the pitch of the fall, was evidently a deserted 



Campaign against ^ebec^ 1775- ^9 

Indian town.' We saw no one there. It was without 
the vestige of inhabitants. Dressing our victuals here 
at mid-day, an occurrence happened, which disgusted me 
in an extreme degree. On this day, an estimate of our 
food was made, and an allotment in quantity to each man, 
though no actual separation of shares took place, as that^ 
it was agreed, should happen at the twelve-mile carrying 
place. By the estimate now made, it seemed that there 
was something of a surplus. As we had had hard work, 
that and some preceding days, and harder fare, our good 
commander was inclined to indulge us. The surplus 
was allotted for this day's fare. It happened that 
M'Konkey was, by routine, the cook. He boiled the 
meat (vegetable food of any kind was not attainable), 
and when sauntering towards the fall, he called us to 
dinner. We came eagerly. He was seated on the earth, 
near the wooden bowl. The company reclined around 
in a like posture, intending to partake ; when M'Konkey 
raising his vile and dirty hands, struck the meat, exclaim- 
ing, " By G — d this was our last comfortable meal." 
The indelicacy of the act, its impiety, and the grossness 
of the expression, deprived the company of appetite. On 
several subsequent occasions M'Konkey showed himself 
as mean in spirit, as he was devoid of decency. We soon 
rid ourselves of him. Many years afterwards, at Lan- 
caster, in Pennsylvania, he applied and received a loan 
by way of charity from me, which he meanly solicited 
with the most abject sycophancy. So true it is, in 
general, that those who disregard the social decencies of 



' The advanced party arrived at Norridgewock on the 2d of October. 
This was the third carrying place, and had been the residence of the noted 
Jesuit missionary, Rale, among the Conibas, usually called the Norridgewock 
Indians, who for many years were a great scourge to the advancing English. 
A vigorous attack was made upon the place in 1724, when Rale was killed 
on the 24th of August, and the Indian village destroyed. Vestiges of it, 
and of a Catholic chapel, as well as the priest's grave still remained. Here 
were repaired their hastily constructed bateaux, which in the end caused 
great loss of provisions and munitions, and here they left the abode of man, 
and entered upon the uninhabited wilderness. — M. 



20 Campaign against Quebec ^ ^11 S- 

life, are equally incapable of those virtues which make 
man respectable in society. 

On the afternoon of this day, we crossed to the west 
side of the river below the fall : searched for, and with 
difficulty found the carrying place. Having marked it 
with precision, we rested awhile. On the west side of 
the river, not very distant from us, there was a consider- 
able extent of natural meadow.' One of our party, ex- 



' In traversing this meadow, which was a beautiful plain, one of the 
party found the horns of a moose-deer, which from appearances had been 
shed in the foregoing summer, or perhaps in the beginning of autumn j 
being then about five feet ten inches high. Getchell, facetiously, yet gravely, 
insisted by way of measurement, that I should stand under the main fork. 
The crown of my head rubbed against the crown- work of the horns. This, 
to all of us, was matter of great surprise. However, in a short time after- 
wards the circumstance of size was thought little of, when we came into 
contact with the living animal, upon whose head such horns grew. There 
is a paucity ot words for a description upon paper, of the enormous dimensions 
of the male moose, which we saw, and of their horns. The male-deer 
bears horns; the female bears none. Those horns, which we examined 
minutely, were of a large size, but not so large as some we saw on the 
living deer. About midway of the horn, from the crown of the head, there 
is a broad, flat part of the horn, called the blade, which, in the specimen 
under examination, was full two of my spans, or nearly twenty inches from 
whence branched the proud antlers or prong. There is no beast of the 
forest more handsomely decorated, unless it be the reindeer of the north of 
Europe and Asia. In the evenings, in the first ascension of the Kennebec 
and Dead rivers, sitting around our solitary smoke fires, we have often seen 
those stately deer passing the river in droves, sometimes of fifteen or twenty 
in number, the one walking after the other in the accustomed path, but due 
care and discipline kept our arms quiet. The country around Natanis's 
house, a circle of ten or fifteen miles, was at that time an admirable hunting 
ground. One day, suddenly passing a sharp point of the river about five 
miles below Natanis's cabin, we as suddenly fell back. We wanted fresh 
food. Regardless of what might follow, Steele permitted us to fire. We 
had seen five or six of those monstrous deer, standing in the water knee-deep, 
feeding on their favorite food, the red willow. Boyd, Wheeler and myself 
passed the river, out of sight of the moose, in the most cautionary manner. 
The stream here was not more than sixty yards wide. We approached 
them through the thick underwood, which clothed the bank. Boyd pre- 
ceded. The rustling of the leaves alarmed the deer. They threw up their 
heads. What a sight ! The antlers of several of them, seemed to exceed 
in size, those we had already seen. Boyd, apprehensive they were about 
to run from us, fired without giving Wheeler and myself an opportunity to 
take a stand, but the greatest misfortune was, that the worthy Boyd had 
neglected to clean his gun that day, it made long fire, and but a trifling 



Campaign against ^ebec, ^11 S' ^' 

ploring the country for deer, met with two white men 
who had come from a distance, mowing the wild grass 
of the meadow. An agreeable barter ensued ; we gave 
salted pork, and they returned two fresh beaver tails, 
which, when boiled, renewed ideas imbibed with the 
May-butter of our own country. Taste, however, is 
arbitrary, and often the child of necessity. Two years 
before this, acorns had supplied me with a precarious 
sustenance, on a journey from Sandusky to Pittsburg ; 
it momentarily sustained life and bodily labor, but the 
consequence was ill health. Your respectable kinsman, 
General Gibson, received me into his house at Logstown 
on the Ohio, and restored m.e sound to my parents. 
These minute matters are noted here from an expectation 
that, knowing the privations men may suffer in respect 
to food, you will each of you remember to receive the 
dispensations of Providence, of every kind, if not with 
thankfulness, at least with submission. 

We passed the portage of Norridgewock falls. Thence 
for several days, the navigation for such canoes as ours 
was tolerable, and in the most part convenient. We 
ascended the river rapidly, blazing every carrying-place. 
Having now receded many miles from the last white 
inhabitants at Norridgewock, it became us therefore to 
proceed cautiously. A circumspection was adopted, 
which, though prudent in the predicament we were in, 
appeared to be rather harsh to the feelings ; the firing of 
a gun was prohibited ; though the weather was chilling. 



report. The bullet scarcely reached the deer. Wheeler and myself were 
creeping to our places when Boyd's gun disturbed the animals. The guns 
in our hands were ineffectually discharged. This jejune occurrence is related 
merely for the introduction of a single observation. When the bull moose, 
at the rustling of the leaves, and afterwards when Boyd fired, threw up 
their heads, the tips of their horns seemed to me to stand eighteen feet in 
the air. The ridge of the shoulder seemed seventeen hands high. The 
largest of these animals was a lusus natura. The moose in ordinary, is of 
an ash-colored grey. The one I speak of was flecked, in large spots of red, 
on a pure white ground. His skin, if we could have obtained it, would 
have been a valuable curiosity. — Henry. 



2 2 Campaign against ^ebec, 1775. 

we dared scarcely make a smoke at night. Angling for 
trout and chub in the morning and evening, made up our 
stock of fresh food. We frequently saw ducks, etc., 
and many moose deer, yet we discharged not a gun ; in 
truth we had been made to believe that this country had 
numerous Indians in it. 

The party proceeded without molestation but from 
natural rock, and a strict current (by the 27th of Sep- 
tember) ' to the twelve-mile carrying-place.^ Here a 
new scene opened. Our guides professed that neither of 
them had ever been north of this place across the carry- 
ing-place, but Getchel alleged he had hunted to the east 
of the river. 

Now we assumed the title of being our own guides, 
giving to Getchel due respect and attention for his 
information relative to the route north. He informed me 
that the course of the river, which is injudiciously called 
the Dead river, tended sixty or one hundred miles 
northerly, took a short turn southwardly, and was then 
within twelve miles of us. That that part was full of 
rapids, and impassable to boats, or even canoes. We 
searched for the carrying-place, and found a path tolerably 
distinct, which we made more so by blazing the trees and 
snagging the bushes with our tomahawks ; proceeding 
until evening, the party encamped at the margin of a 



• It will be remembered that this was the advanced party. Other 
divisions were nearly two weeks later in reaching this point. The divisions 
do not seem to have followed each other in the same route, some going 
by water, others seeking better paths than had been taken by their 
predecessors. — M. 

^ This celebrated portage is through the third range of townships of the 
Bingham purchase, in latitude 45° 15^, and is about fourteen miles long from 
the Kennebec to Dead river. It is divided into four carrying places by 
three ponds. The first carry is three and three-fourths miles to the first 
pond, which is one-fourth of a mile wide 5 the second carry a mile to the 
second pond, about as wide as the first ; the third about the same length as 
the second, to the third pond about four miles wide. From this the fourth 
carry of four miles reaches to the Dead river. — North's History of Augusta, 
12,7-8. The map facing the title page, gives a tolerably correct plan of the 
route pursued, on as small a scale as it is possible to represent it. — M. 



Campaign against ^ebec, 1775. 23 

small lake, perhaps about half a mile wide, where there 
was plenty of trout, which old Clifton, who was good at 
angling, caught in abundance. Here, in a conference 
on the subject, it was resolved that two persons of the 
party should remain (with about one-half of the pro- 
visions), until the return of our main body, calculating 
the return would be in eight or ten days. It had been 
observed that Clifton, being the oldest of the company, 
yet brave and a good shot, from the fatigues we had en- 
dured, had begun to flag. With the assent of our chief, 
the younger part of us proposed to him to remain where 
we then were, with the better part of the provisions. 
After considerable altercation he assented, on condition 
of his having a companion. The youngest of the party 
nominated M'Konkey, who could not restrain his joy at 
the proposal. It was advised for them to retire to the 
south end of the pond, perhaps a mile, and there, as in a 
perfect recess, remain concealed ; knowing M'Konkey, 
the consequences were foreseen. After the accomplish- 
ment of this affair. Lieutenant Steele parted the provision 
appropriated for the marchers, not by pounds or ounces, 
my dear children but by : "Whose shall be this." Some 
of you have been taught how this is done ; if you should 
have forgotten, it will be well now to tell vou of it. 
The principal of the party, if he is a gentleman and man 
of honor, divides the whole portion equally into as many 
parts as there are men, including himself; this is done 
under the eyes of all concerned, and with their approba- 
tion the officer then directs some one of the company to 
turn his back upon him, and laying his hand on a par- 
ticular portion, asks, " Whose shall be this ?" The 
answer is hap-hazard. A, S, etc., or any other of the party. 
It has frequently occurred that we were compelled to 
divide the necessaries of life in this way, and it could 
not be fairly said, that any fraud or circumvention took 
place. 

September 28th, we left Clifton and his companion in 
a most dreary wild, but with enough to support them ; 



24 Campaign against ^ebec, ^77 S- 

and if they would act honorably, to assist us. A laugh- 
able occurrence ensued. Sergeant Boyd and myself had, 
that day, the charge of unloading and loading the canoes, 
which, as customarily, being very light and easily blown 
off shore by a puff of wind, were drawn half their lengths 
on the beach ; we ran a race who should perform his 
duty soonest — he arrived first. Taking up his canoe 
suddenly, but hoping to have a better stand than the 
shore presented, he set his foot on a large bed of moss 
seemingly firm, and sunk ten feet into as cold water, 
while fluid, as was ever touched. We soon passed the 
pond, found the path, marked it, and came, at the end of 
several miles, to a second pond, if my recollection serves, 
larger than the former : traversing this, we encamped 
more cautiously than ever. On the next day, pursuing 
the path, and marking it, a third pond of small diameter 
was presented to our view. Passing this, by the evening 
we encamped on the north bank of the Dead river. 

This river, which is nothing more than an extension 
of the Kennebec,' is called by this remarkable name, 
because a current, a few miles below the place we were 
now at, and for many miles above it, is imperceptible. 
It is deep and perhaps two hundred and fifty yards wide. 
The ground we footed within the last three days, is a 
very rugged isthmus, which forms the great bend of the 
Kennebec. Coming from the high ground towards the 
Dead river, we passed a bog which appeared, before we 
entered it, as a beautiful plat of firm ground, level as a 
bowling green, and covered by an elegant green moss. 
That day, to save my shoes for severer service, moc- 
casins had been put in their place. Every step we made, 
sunk us knee-deep in a bed of wet turf. My feet were 
pained and lacerated by the snags of the dead pines, afoot 
and more below the surface of the moss ; these and many 
other occurrences, which happened afterwards, con- 



1 The Dead river is a western branch of the Kennebec, as will be seen 
by reference to the map, — M. 



Campaign against Quebec ^ ^11 S- ^5 

vinced me more than reading could, of the manner of 
the formation of turf. Sometimes, to lighten the canoes 
when ascending strict water, several of us would disem- 
bark, and proceed along shore, and on many occasions, 
traverse a point of land to save distance. Doing this, we 
often met with what we thought a flat ground covered 
by moss. Entering the parterre, as it might be called, 
and running along that which we found to be a log 
covered with moss, the moisture on the log, would cause 
a foot to slip — down we would come, waist deep in a 
bed of wet moss ; such incidents always created a laugh. 
A spark, if tliese beds of moss had been dry, as they 
were wet, would have made a dreadful conflagration : the 
upper country seemed throughout as if covered with it. 
To the south and west of the bog first mentioned, there 
was a natural meadow of great extent. On the west it 
reached, seemingly, to the foot of the mountains several 
miles off. A beautiful creek serpentined through it and 
formed a convenient harbor and landing place, opposite 
to our camp, and directly to which the Indian path led us. 
The timber trees of this, are in great measure different 
from those of our country. Here are neither oaks, 
hickories, poplars, maples nor locusts ; but there is a 
great variety of other kinds of excellent timber, such as 
the white and yellow pines, hemlock, cedar, cypress, and 
all the species of the firs.^ These trees, in the low 
grounds, grow to a verv large size ; on the hills, as we 
approach northwardly, they seem to dwindle, particularly 
as we come to the height of land ; but again rise to a 
superb height, as we descend into the intervale, on the 
streams running into Canada. Among the trees of this 
country, there are two which deserve particular notice, 
because of their remarkable qualities. These are the 



' The balsam hr (^pinus fraseri),ovtr\ook.eA by Michaux, but differing 
from the silver fir, was found to be very abundant (Pres. Allen in vol. I, 
Maine Hist. Coll., 160). It was this fir which Henry mentions, the liquid 
of which he was taught to gather. — M. 

•6 



26 Campaign against ^ebec^ '^11 S- 

balsam fir, Canada balsam. Balm of Gilead fir, or 
bahamum Canadense^ pinus bahomea^ which produces the 
purest turpentine, and the yellowbirch The first, as its 
vulgar name imports, yields a balsamic liquid, which has 
been, and perhaps now is, much esteemed by the medi- 
cal profession. The bark is smooth, except that there 
are a vast number of white and lucid protuberances upon 
it, of the size of a finger or a thumb nail, bulging from 
the surface of the bark. This tree grows to the size of 
from fifteen to twenty inches in diameter. From the 
essays made, it seems to me that a vial containing a gill 
might be filled in the space of an hour. Getchel, our 
guide, taught me its use. In the morning when we rose, 
placing the edge of a broad knife at the under side of the 
blister, and mv lips at the opposite part, on the back of 
the knife which was declined, the liquor flowed into my 
mouth freely. It was heating and cordial to the stomach, 
attended by an agreeable pungency. This practice, 
which we adopted, in all likelihood contributed to the 
preservation of health. For though much wet weather 
ensued, and we lay often on low and damp ground, and 
had very many successions of cold atmosphere, it does 
not now occur to me, that any one of us was assailed by 
sickness, during tiiis arduous excursion. The yellow 
birch is useful in many particular instances to the natives. 
They form the body of the tree into setting-poles, 
■paddles, spoons and ladles. The bark, its better property, 
serves as a covering for the frame of the canoe, much 
in the same manner as the Esquimaux and Greenlanders 
apply the seal skin. To you it may appear to be a strange 
assertion, but to me it seems true, that the birch-bark 
canoe is the most ingenions piece of mechanism man, in 
a rude state, is capable of performing. This bold idea 
requires a disclosure of the means and the manner of the 
work, which shall be done before I leave the subject.^ 

' The birch- bark canoe, as intimated before, in the body of the work, 
is not only a curious, but a most ingenious machine. So far as my descrip- 



Campaign against ^ebec, 1775. 27 

From the bark of the yellow-birch the Indian also forms 
bowls, and baskets of a most beautiful construction, and 
it even serves as a wrapper for any nice matter which it 
is wished to keep securely, much in the manner we use 
brown wrapping-paper. The appearance of the yellow 
birch tree at a distance, is conspicuous. Approaching 
near it, in the autumn, it seems involved in rolls, some- 
thing resembling large circular rounds of parchment, or 
yellow-paper. There is in my mind no question, but that 
among a numerous and industrious people, such as the 



tive powers extend, you shall have its construction, described in writing 
but without the aid of the pencil it seems to be almost impossible to convey 
to you a just and accurate comprehension of the distinct parts of this 
beautiful piece of water-craft. Having had several opportunities to observe 
the manner of the formation of the birch-bark canoe, in its various stages, 
a description of its sections may not be disagreeable to you. In the con- 
struction of the canoe, the bow and stern pieces are separate frames, alike 
in dimensions, and made of cedar, cypress, or any other light wood ; yet 
very light, and so well or tightly bound by tenons, as to require a considerable 
effort to break them. These bow and stern pieces, suppose a canoe often, 
or even fifty feet, are connected by laths, with that which I have called 
gunwales (gunnels), correspondent in size with the intended length of the 
canoe. These gunwales are made from the toughest and best of the timber 
that the country produces. The gunwales are strongly secured to the head 
and stern by tenons and the cedar root in a most neat and strong manner. 
The ribs of the canoe, according to its size, are from two to five inches in 
diameter, of the straightest cedar or fir, without knots, closely fitted together, 
side by side, and well sewed by means of an awl to the gunwales. This 
frame is covered with the yellow-birch-rind, an eighth, a sixth, or a fourth 
of an inch thick. This bark, when applied to canoes, is from two to four 
feet in length ; commensurate with the extension of the bow and stern from 
each other. Each part of this bark, where the seams meet, is nicely sewed 
together by the split cedar root ; these seams are then pitched over in a 
ridge, by a hard pitch, in the width of perhaps an inch or more, so as to 
make the vessel, truly that which seamen call water-tight. But to this 
clumsy attempt to describe to you a boat, which you have never seen, and 
perhaps never will see, it seems requisite to add another observation. The 
bark which encircles the bottom of the canoe, is strongly attached to the 
gunwales by cedar root, much in the same manner as I have seen you 
threading wire, for tht making of artificial flowers. This bark, thus pre- 
pared and applied, speaking comparatively (great with small), is a much 
stronger material, than your thread, either of flax or silk. The gunwale 
was as neatly laced by the cedar, and almost as ornamental, and equally 
strong in texture, as the canes we sometimes see from India, covered with 
splits of rattan, or some other pliant plant, of southern growth. The 



2 8 Campaign against Quebec ^ ^17 S- 

Chinese, this indigenous product would become an 
article of general use in various ways. The bark, when 
taken from the tree, may be obtained lengthwise of the 
tree, from one to four feet in breadth, and of a length 
equal to the circumference. It is sometimes white with 
a yellowish cast, but more usually of a pale, and some- 
times of a deep gold color. It is partible, when ever so 
thick, into the most filmy sheets. The Indians, for 
canoes, use it of the thickness of from a fourth, down to 
the eighth of an inch, according to the size of the vessel. 
Curiosity and convenience made us reduce it often to a 



paddles are uniformly made ot ash, where it can be obtained, but most 
usually of birch, or even of softer wood, in this part of Canada. Many of 
the paddles which I saw, were double-bladed, that is a blade at each end of 
the handle or pole, and in the hands of a strong person would be, from its 
formation, apparently as light as a feather. The pushing-pole was of the 
same kiud of materials, but light, and if iron could be had, was shod at the 
but-end. The rapid and rocky rivers which those poor people, the Indians, 
must ascend and descend in their hunting excursions, and which they do 
with inconceivable dexterity, requires a quickness of motion of the body, 
particularly the arms, which is truly astonishing. The paddle, at this 
moment used on the right, and then instantly cast on the left hand of the 
canoe, requires a celerity of action which none but such as are used to those 
exercises dare undertake. In those instances the double-bladed paddle, 
saves half the time which would be employed by the single bladed, in these 
arduous but necessary labors. Activity and agility, from the circumstance 
of the precariousness of an Indian life, and their manner of subsisting, 
become in their education a primary parental motive ; without those qualities, 
an Indian can never acquire fame, and is often starved. 

It often reexhilerates my mind, when reflecting on the waywardness and 
unhappiness of my life, to remember the occurrences (July 1773), in a part 
of a days journey from the windlass of the old carrying place, on the south 
side of the river, west of Niagara, by a path which led us to a celebrated 
fountain, a little below the brow of the hill, called Mount Pleasant, and 
thence to the falls. My youthful imagination was greatly excited. The 
company consisted of a French gentleman, my uncle John Henry, and 
myself. The Frenchman was a trader who had but just arrived from the 
Illinois country, and had dealt beyond the Mississippi. When we came to 
Stedman's, his canoe, attended by three or four couriers de /?ois, lay on the 
beach turned upside down, with an immense number of packs of beaver, 
press-packed, strewed around, perhaps the whole might have been 3000 lb. 
weight. The canoe was of birch, fifty feet in'length, most beautifully made, 
its breadth was probably from six to seven feet in the middle, I examined 
with a curiosity, such as a boy of my age might possess. — Henry. 



Campaign against ^ebec, 1775. 29 

film, by no means thicker or more substantial than the 
silky paper we obtain from India. It serves equally well 
for the pencil as paper. Ink, however, flows upon it. 
In the course of time a medium may be discovered to 
preclude this inconvenience — this bark will preserve 
better than paper. 

September 30th. The company, not apprehending the 
reverses which fortune had in store for them, left the 
encampment full of courage and hope, though a strong 
drift of snow, vvhich whitened all the surrounding hills, 
had fallen during the night. Having smooth water, we 
paddled away merrily, probably for thirty miles. 
Getchel, besides his sheer wisdom, possessed a large fund 
of knowledge concerning the country, which he had 
derived from the aborigines, and much humorous 
anecdote with which, in spite of our privations, he made 
us laugh. It was omitted to be mentioned that, before 
wc left our last encampment, it became a resolution of 
the whole party that the pork in the possession of each 
one should be eaten raw, and to eat but in the morning 
and evening. As we could not obtain food in this 
miserable portion of the globe, even for money, if we 
had it, and having nothing else than our arms and our 
courage to depend on; unacquainted with the true 
distance of our expedition, for we had neither map nor 
chart, yet resolved to accomplish our orders at the 
hazard of our lives— we prudently began to hoard our 
provision ; half a biscuit and half an inch square of raw 
pork, became this evening's meal. The day's journey 
brought us to the foot of a rapid, which convinced us 
that the term Dead river was much misapplied. The 
night was spent, not upon feathers, but the branches of 
the fir or the spruce. It would astonish you, my dear 
children, if there was leisure to explain to you, the many 
comforts and advantages those trees afford to the way- 
worn traveler. Suffice it now to say, v/e rested well. 

October ist. The morning brought on new labors. 
Our secondary guide and myself, thinking that we could 



30 Campaign against ^ebec^ ^11 S' 

manage the water, slipped into our canoe. Getchel and 
another worked Steele's, while our companions, crossing 
the hill, marked the carrying-place. From our camp 
two-thirds at least of these rapids were concealed from 
our view. In much danger, and by great exertion, we 
surmounted them in less than an hour. Taking in our 
company, we had good water till the evening, when we 
were impeded by a precipitate fall of four feet. We 
encamped. 

October 2d. Carrying here, we had good water all 
the next day. Mere fatigue and great lassitude of body, 
most likely, in a good measure, owing to the want of 
food, caused us to sleep well. From cautionary motives 
our guns, though not uncared for, were considered as 
useless, in the way of obtaining food. Several of our 
company angled successfully for trout, and a delicious 
chub, which we call a fall fish. This place became re- 
markable to me, as, sometime afterwards, my friends 
Gen. Simpson,' Robert Dixon, and myself were here at 
the point of death. This you will find in the sequel. 
Carrying a {tw perches around this precipice, we got 
into good water, and then performed a severe day's labor. 

October 3d. The evening brought us to our en- 
campment, on the south side of the river. Angling was 



' Michael Simpson was a native of Paxtang, Penn., born about 1740. 
He entered the company of Capt. Matthew Smith, of Paxtang, as second 
lieutenant, his commission bearing date June 25, 1775. ^^ ^^^ time of the 
assault upon Quebec he was, by order of Arnold, in command as lieutenant 
at the isle of Orleans. After the termination of the attack on Quebec he 
returned with the remnant of the army. On the istof Dec, 1776, he was 
appointed captain in Col. Thompson's regiment. He served in the battles of 
Trenton, Princeton, Brandywine, and White Plains. Also served in SuUivan'a 
campaign against the Northern Indians in 1779, ^^^ upon the consolidation 
of the regiments he was retired in Jan. 1781. After the close of the war he 
married, removed to his farm two miles below Harrisburgh on the west side 
of the Susquehanna. He died June i, 1813, at the age of 73, and lies in 
the grave yard at Paxtang church. The general was possessed of amiable 
qualities, was a warm friend, kind, liberal and obliging [Letter from Dr. 
Ogle). His death is mentioned in Drake's Biog. Dictionary as having 
occurred 15 June, 1 81 3, aged 80. — M. 



Campaign against ^ebec^ ^11'^- 3^ 

resorted to for food. Sergeant Boyd, observing low 
ground on the other side of the river, and an uncommon 
coldness in the water, passed over, and in an hour returned 
with a dozen trout of extraordinary appearance, long, 
broad and thick. The skin was of a very dark hue, 
beautifully sprinkled with deep crimson spots. Boyd 
had caught these in a large and deep spring-head.' Con- 
trasting them with those we caught in the river, they 
were evidently of a different species. The river trout 
were of a pale ground, with pink spots, and not so flat 
or broad. 

October 4th. The next day, proceeding onward, we 
here and there met with rough water. In the evening 
we were told that on the next day we probably should 
arrive at the camp of Natanis, an Indian, whom our 
commander was instructed to capture or kill. Natanis 
was well known to the white inhabitants of the lower 
country : they knew from him the geographical position 
of his residence. The uninstructed Indian, if he pos- 
sesses good sense, necessarily from his wanderings as a 
hunter, becomes a geographer. This good man (as we 
subsequently knew him to be), had been wrongfully 
accused to Arnold, as a spy, stationed on this river to 
give notice to the British government of any party pass- 
ing this way into Canada : hence that cruel order. We 
landed some miles below where we supposed his house 
was. Our canoes were brought upon the shore, and 
committed to the care of two of the party. We arrived 
at the house of Natanis, after a march, probably of three 
miles, over a flat country covered with pines, etc. Ap- 
proaching on all sides with the utmost circumspection, 
we ran quickly to the cabin, our rifles prepared, and in 
full belief that we had caught Natanis. Some were 



^ This peculiarity of the trout is said to be common in deep water; ex- 
posure to light affecting the color and structure of the fish. This is ven- 
tured upon the remark of a trout fisherman without having given the subject 
investigation. — M. 



32 Campaign against Quebec ^ '^11 S- 

persuaded, at the distance of two hundred yards from the 
place, that they saw the smoke of his fire. But the 
bird was flown. He was wiser and more adroit than 
his assailants, as you will afterwards learn. The house 
vvas prettily placed on a bank twenty feet high, about 
twenty yards from the river, and a grass plat extended 
around, at more than shooting distance for a rifle, free 
from timber and brushwood. The house, for an Indian 
cabin, was clean and tight, with two doors, one fronting 
the river, the other on the opposite side. We found 
many articles c.f Indian fabrication, evidently such as 
would not be totally abandoned by the owner : besides, 
it was remarked, that the coals on the hearth, from their 
appearance, had been burning at least within a week 
past. These notions did not allay our apprehensions of 
meeting with Indian enemies. The canoes, in the 
meantime, having been brought up, we embarked and 
proceeded witli alacrity. 

This afternoon, in a course of some miles, we came 
to a stream flowing from the west, or rather the northwest. 
As we were going along in uncertainty, partly inclined 
to take the westerly stream, one of the party fortunately 
saw a strong stake, which had been driven down at the 
edge of the water, with a piece of neatly folded birch- 
bark, inserted into a split at the top. The bark, as it 
was placed, pointed up the westerly stream, which at its 
mouth seemed to contain more water than that of our 
true course. Our surprise and attention were much 
heightened, when opening the bark, we perceived a very 
perfect delineation of the streams above us, with several 
marks which must have denoted the hunting camps, or 
real abodes of the map maker. There were some lines, 
in a direction from the head of one branch to that of 
another, which we took to be the course of the paths 
which the Indians intended to take that season. This 
map we attributed to Natanis ; if not his, to his brother 
Sabatis, who, as we afterwards knew, lived about seven 
miles up this westerly stream. For when our party, 



Campaign against ^ebec^ 1775' ZZ 

after returning to the twelve mile carrying-place, had 
again reascended the river, we were told, by the crew of 
one of Morgan's boats, that they had mistaken the 
westerly stream as the due route, and had found deserted 
cabins at the distance already mentioned, and the property 
of the late inhabitants placed in a kind of close cages, 
made of birch-bark, in the forks of the trees ; these they 
most iniquitously plundered. Venison, corn, kettles, 
etc., were the product. Inspecting the map thus acquired, 
we pursued our journey fearlessly- Now the river 
became narrower and shallower. The strength of each 
of us was exerted at poling or paddling the canoes. Some 
strict water interfered, but in a few days we came to the 
first pond, at the head of the Dead river. 

October 7th. This first pond, in the course of the 
traverse we made, might be about a mile, or a little more, 
in diameter. Here, on a small island, scarcely contain- 
ing one-fourth of an acre, we discovered and ate a 
delicious species of cranberry, entirely new to us. It 
grew upon a bush from ten to twelve feet high, the stock 
of the thickness of the thumb, and the fruit was as large 
as a may-duke cherry.' In the course of one or two 
miles, we reached a second pond. Between this pond 
and the third, we carried ; the communication, though 
not long, was too shallow for our canoes. The carrying- 
place was excessively rugged, and in high water formed 
a part of the bed of the stream. The country around 
us had now become very mountainous and rough. 
Several of these mountains seemed to stand on insulated 
bases, and one in particular, formed a most beautiful 
cone, of an immense height. We rested for the evening. 

October 8th. Being near the height of land which 

divides the waters of New-England from those of 

■ Canada, which run into the St. Lawrence, the weather 



^ This was doubtless the acid fruit of ■viburnum oxycoccus, which I found 
on the river De Loup, a branch of the Chaudiere, in Sept., 1824 (Pres. 
Allen, in Me. Hist. Soc. Coll., i, 507). — M. 



34 Campaign against ^ebec, 1775. 

in consequence of the approaching winter, had become 
piercingly cold. My wardrobe was scanty and light. 
It consisted of a roundabout jacket, of woolen, a pair of 
half worn buckskin breeches, two pair of woolen stock- 
ings (bought at Newbury port), a hat with a feather, a 
hunting-shirt, leggings, a pair of moccasins, and a pair of 
tolerably good shoes, which had been closely hoarded. 

We set out early, yet jovially. We entered a lake 
surrounded by high and craggy mountains, and per- 
pendicular rocks of very considerable altitude, which 
about eleven o'clock, a.m., cast us into a dusky shade. 
Pulling the paddle, as for life, to keep myself warm, 
some trifling observation which fell from me, relative to 
the place we were in, such as its resemblance to the 
vale of death, which drew the attention of the company : 
Getchel, in his dry way, turning toward me, said, 
" Johnny, you look like a blue leather whet stone." 
The simplicity and oddity of the expression, and the 
gravity of his manner, caused great merriment at my 
expense ; it was enjoyed on my part, certain that it was 
not an expression of disesteem, but affection, for the 
man liked me. These minim tales and jejune occur- 
rences are related to convey to your minds an idea, how 
men of true spirit will beard 6^ezih in every shape, even, 
at times, with laughter, to effectuate a point of duty 
which is considered as essential to the welfare of their 
country. Thus we went on, incessantly laboring, with- 
out sustenance, until we came, about three o'clock, to 
the extreme end of a fifth and the last lake. This day's 
voyage might amount to fifteen or twenty miles.' 



' In the fall of 1858 a young man passing up the Dead-river valley and 
across the chain of ponds, the head of the river, landing at the Arnold 
trails, found by the side of the trail between the Dead-river waters and the 
Chaudiere, the remains of an old musket, apparently having been left 
standing against a tree, where it had rotted down. The stock was entirely 
gone, and the barrel and mountings had fallen down together at the foot 
of the tree. It is conjectured that the musket had been left there by one 
of Arnold's soldiers, and the barrel is now in the possession of Mr. Co- 
lumbus Steward, of North Anson, Maine, who says that the Arnold trail 



Campaign against ^ebec^ ^775- 3S 

On this lake we obtained a full view of those hills 
which were then, and are now, called the height of 
land. It made an impression upon us that was really 
more chilling than the air which surrounded us. We 
hurried ashore, drew out our canoes, and covered them 
with leaves and brush-wood. This done, with our arms 
in our hands, and our provision in our pockets, we made 
a race across the mountain, by an Indian path, easily 
ascertainable, until we arrived on the bank of the Chau- 
diere river. The distance is about five miles, counting 
the rising and descent of the hill as two. This was the 
acme of our desires. To discover and know the course 
of this river, was the extent of our orders : beyond it, we 
had nothing to do. Our chief, wishing to do every 
thing a good officer could, to forward the service, asked, 
if any one could climb a tree, around the foot of which 
we then stood .? It was a pine of considerable height, 
without branches for forty feet •, Robert Cunningham, a 
strong athletic man, about twenty-five years old, pre- 
sented himself. In almost the twinkling of an eye, he 



on the divide as it is called, between the head waters of Dead river and the 
Chaudiere is still easily followed, and is often passed over by lumbermen 
and hunters. The following appeared in the Maire Farmer in 1877 : — M. 

" A Centennial Relic. Mr. Sheppard Harville of Lincolnville, has in his 
possession a French rifle gun barrel, that he found over thirty years ago, 
on Dead river at the foot of Arnold's falls, so called from the fact of its 
being on the route that Arnold marched n'nh his army, through the 
wilderness to Point Levi, Quebec. It is one of the numerous falls by which 
he was obliged to carry his bateaux; Skowhig falls, Skowhegan ; Bom- 
bazee falls. Norridgewock 5 Carratunk falls, Solon ; and Hurricane falls, 
near White's ferry, Dead river. 

Arnold's falls are a few miles below Flagstaff village, where Arnold 
raised his ag. He then sent Sergeant Bigelow and a few chosen men up 
on a high mountain, near by, to see if they could discover settlements in 
Canada; hence the name, Mt. Bigel^jw. 

" Mr. Harville then of Solon, Charles Folsom and others of Skowhegan, 
Hartly Green and Asa Green of Dead river, were driving logs for Captain 
John Wheeler of Skowhegan. Hartly and Asa Green being the boatmen 
on the drive near wheix- this gun barrel was found by Mr. Harville. 
When discovered by him on the trail near the falls, it was resting against 
a rock. The stock had entirely rotted off; and it is supposed to have been 
left there by one of Arnold's men one hundred years ago last September." 



^6 Campaign against ^e/^ec, 1775. 

climbed the tree. He fully discerned the meandering 
course of the river, as upon a map, and even descried 
the lake Chaudiere, at the distance of fourteen or fifteen 
miles. The country around and between us and the lake 
vv^as flat. Looking westward, he observed a smoke ; in- 
timating this to us, from the tree where he sat, we 
plainly perceived it. Cunningham came down ; the sun 
was setting seemingly in a clear sky. 

Now our return commenced. It so occurred, that I 
was in the rear, next to Getchel, who brought it up. 
We ran in single file, and while it was light, it was 
observed by me, as we tried to stride into the footsteps 
of the leader, that he covered the track with his feet ; 
this was no mean duty. It required the courage, the 
vigor, and the wisdom, which designates genuine man- 
hood. Our object was to be concealed from a know- 
ledge of any one who might communicate our presence 
there, to the Canadian government. The race was 
urged, and became more rapid by the indications of a 
most severe storm of rain ; we had scarcely more than 
gotten half way up the hill, when the shower came down 
in most tremendous torrents. The night became dark 
as pitch ; we groped the way across the ridge, and in 
descending, relied on the accuracy of our leader, we 
continued with speed. The precipice was very steep ; 
a root, a twig, perhaps, caught the buckle of my shoe ; 
tripped, I came down head foremost, unconscious how 
far, but perhaps twenty or thirty feet. How my gun 
remained unbroken, it is impossible to say. When I 
recovered, it was in my hands. My companions had 
outstripped me. Stunned by the fall, feeling for the 
path with my feet, my arrival at the canoe-place was 
delayed, till ten at night, an hour and more later than my 
friends. An erection called a tent, but more correctly 
a wigwam, was made in the hurry with forks, and cross- 
poles, covered by the branches of fir. It rained inces- 
santly all that night. If the clothes we wore had been 
dry, they would have become wet — so we laid down in 



Campaign against ^ebec, 1775. 31 

all those we had on. Sleep came to my eyes, notwith- 
standing the drippings of the pelting storm, through the 
humble roof. 

October 9th. We arose before day. The canoes 
were urged suddenly into the water, it still rained hard, 
and at daylight we thought of breakfasting. Gracious 
God ! what was our fare ? What could we produce for 
such a feast ? Rummaging my breeches pockets, I found 
a solitary biscuit and an inch of pork. Half of the 
biscuit was devoted to the breakfast, and so also by each 
person, and that was consumed in the canoes as we 
paddled over the lake. The rain had raised the lake, 
and consequently the outlets about four teet. We slided 
glibly along, over passages where a few days previously 
we had carried our canoes. At the outlet of the fourth 
lake, counting as we came up, a small duck appeared 
within shooting distance. It was a diver, well known 
in our country — a thing which we here contemn. 
Knowing the value of animal food, in our predicament, 
several of us fired at the diver : Jesse Wheeler, however 
( who all acknowledged as an excellent shot), struck it 
with his ball. A shout of joy arose — the little diver 
was safely deposited in our canoe. We went on quickly, 
without accident, till the evening, probably traversing a 
space of more than forty miles. At night-fall we halted, 
weary and without tasting food since morning. Boyd 
and Cunningham, who were right-hand men on most 
occasions, soon kindled a fire against a fallen tree. An 
occurrence this evening took place, which my dear 
children you will hardly credit, but which (permit me to 
assure you ) is sacredly true ; the company sat them- 
selves gloomily around this fire. The cooks, according 
to routine ( whether our chief or others), picked the duck, 
and when picked and gutted, it was brought to the fire- 
side. Here it became a question how to make the most 
of our stock of provisions. Finally it was concluded to 
boil the duck in our camp-kettle, together with each 
man's bit of pork, distinctively marked by running a 
4 



38 Campaign against ^ebec^ ^77 S' 

small skewer of wood through it, with his particular and 
private designation. That the broth thus formed should 
be the supper, and the duck on the ensuing morning 
should be the breakfast, and which should be distributed 
by " whose shall be this." Strange as this tale may ap- 
pear to you, in these times, the agreement was religiously 
performed. Being young, my appetite was ravenous, 
as that of a wolf, but honor bound the stomach tightly. 

We rose early and each person selected his bit of 
pork, which made but a single mouthful ; there was no 
controversy. The diver was parted most fairly, into ten 
shares, each one eyeing the integrity of the division. 
Lieutenant Steele causing the turning of the back, the 
lottery gave me a victory over my respectable friend 
Cunningham. His share, was the head and the feet, 
mine one of the thighs. Hungry and miserable as we 
were, even this was sport to our thoughtless minds. In 
fact, we were sustained by a flattering hope that we 
should soon meet our friends, the army. 

October loth. Setting out early, by the evening we 
made nearly fifty miles. The bit of pork and the rest 
of the biscuit became my supper. My colleagues were 
similarly situated. The morning sun saw us without 
any food. We did not despond. The consolatory idea, 
that on that, or the next day, we should certainly join 
the army, infused energy into our minds and bodies. 
Yet being without food, though we loved each other, 
every endearment which binds man to man was, as it 
were, forgotten in a profound silence. After a long 
day's journey still we were supperless. 

I ith. The succeeding morning, starting early, we ran 
at a monstrous rate. The waters by additional rains 
above, had risen greatly. By ten or eleven o'clock a.m., 
we observed a great smoke before us, which from its 
extent, we could ascribe to nothing else, than the en- 
campment of the army, our friends and fellow soldiers. 
After some time the light canoe, several hundred yards 
before us (with Steele and Getchel in it), passed between 



Campaign against ^ebec^ ^11 S- Z9 

the forks of a tree, which lay rooted in the middle of 
the stream, where most likely it had lain for many years. 
All its branches had been worn away by the annual fric- 
tions of the ice or waters, except those which formed 
the fork, and those stood directlv against fhe current, 
nearly a foot out of water, and ten or more feet apart. 
Seeing our friends pass through safely, and being uncon- 
scious that we were worse or less adventurous watermen 
than they were, we risked it. We ran with great ve- 
locity. My good Irishman steered. By an unlucky 
stroke of some one of our paddles (for each of us had 
one), but from his situation and power oyer the vessel it 
was fairly attributable to the steersman, the canoe was 
thrown a little out of its true course, just as it was en- 
tering the prongs of the fork. Trifling as this may appear 
to you, to us it was the signal of death. One of the 
prongs took the right hand side of the canoe, within six 
inches of the bow, immediately below the gunwale. 
Quick as lightning that side of the canoe was laid open 
from stem to stern, and water was gushing in upon us, 
which would inevitably have sunk us in a second of time, 
but for that interference of Providence, which is atheist- 
ically called presence of mind, otherwise a host of men 
could not have saved us from a watery grave. Instinct- 
ively leaning to the left, we sunk the gunwale of that 
side down to the water's edge, by which we raised the 
broken side an inch and more out of it. Calling loudly 
to our companions ahead, they soon saw our distress and 
put in, at the great smoke. Carefully and steadily sit- 
ting, and gently paddling, many hundred yards, we landed 
safely. Here was no army, no friends, no food, only a 
friendly fire, kindled by ourselves as we ascended the 
river ; it had been our camp. The fire we had made 
had scarcely more than smoked, but now it had crept 
into the turfy soil, and among the roots of trees, and was 
spread over half an acre. Our situation was truly hor 
rible. When we had examined the broken canoe, and 
had rummaged both for the means of mending it, every 



40 Campaign against ^ebec^ ^77 S- 

heart seemed dismayed. Our birch-bark and pitch had 
been exhausted in former repairs, we were without food, 
perhaps one hundred miles from the army, or perhaps 
that army had returned to New England. That sensa- 
tion of the njind called the horrors, seemed to prevail. 
Getchel alone was really sedate and reflective. He 
ordered the other guide to search for birch bark, whilst 
he would look among the pines for turpentine. We fol- 
lowed the one or the other of these worthies, according 
to our inclinations, and soon returned with those desira- 
ble materials. The cedar root was in plenty under our 
feet. Now a difficulty occurred, which had been unfore- 
seen, and which was seemingly destructive of all hope. 
This was the want of fat or oil of every kind, with 
which to make the turpentine into pitch. A lucky 
thought occurred to the youngest of the company, that 
the pork bag lay empty and neglected, in one of the 
canoes. The thought and the act of bringing it were 
instantaneous. The bag was ripped, and as if it had 
been so much gold dust, we scraped from it about a pint 
of dirty fat. Getchel now prepared an abundance of 
pitch. The cedar root gave us twine. The canoe was 
brought up to the fire. We found every rib, except a 
few at the extreme points, actually torn from the gun- 
wale. All hands set to work — two hours afterwards 
the canoe was borne to the water. 

We embarked, and proceeding cautiously, as we 
thought, along the shore (for we dared not yet, with our 
craggy vessel, venture into deep water), a snag, standing 
up stream, struck through the bottom of the canoe. 
This accident happened about five hundred yards from 
the fire. We put back with heavy hearts and great 
difficulty — our friends followed. It took an hour to 
patch the gap. The cup of sorrow was not yet full. 
As the men were bearing the wounded canoe to the 
water, Sergeant Boyd who paddled in the small canoe, 
which was drawn up as usual, taking hold of the bow 
raised it waist high (as was right) intending to slide it 



Campaign against ^ebec^ ^11 S- 4^ 

gently into the water — the bank was steep and slippery. 
Oh ! my dear children, you cannot conceive the dread 
and horror the succeeding part of this scene produced 
in our minds : Mr. Boyd's own feet slipped — the canoe 
fell from his hands — its own weight falling upon the 
cavity formed by the declivity of the bank and the 
water — broke it in the center, into two pieces, and which 
were held together by nothing but the gunwales. Now 
absolute despair for the first time seized me. A thought 
came across my mind, that the Almighty had destined 
us to die of hunger, in this inhospitable wilderness. The 
recollection of my parents, my brothers and sister, and 
the clandestine and cruel manner of my deserting them, 
drew from me some hidden, yet burning tears, and much 
mental contrition. This was unknown, unseen and un- 
heard of by any, but he who is present everywhere, knows 
everything, and sees our inmost thoughts. Getchel 
(comparing small things with great, who much resembled 
Homer's description of Ulvsses, in his person, and whose 
staid and sober wisdom and foresight, also bore a like- 
ness to the talents of that hero), resigned, yet thoughtful 
and active, instantly went to work. The canoe was 
brought to the fire and placed in a proper posture for the 
operation. The lacerated parts were neatly brought 
together, and sewed with cedar root. A large ridge of 
pitch, as is customary in the construction of this kind of 
water craft, was laid over the seam to make it water- 
tight. Over the seam a patch of strong bark a foot in 
width, and of a length sufficient to encircle the bottom 
even to the gunwales, was sewed down at the edges and 
pitched. Again over the whole of the work, it was 
thought prudent to place our pork bag which was well 
saturated with liquid fat. It was a full yard wide, and 
was laid down in the same manner. This work which 
was laborious nearly consumed the rest of the day. 

We set out notwithstanding the lateness of the hour, 
and would it is likely have gone ail night, well knowing 
the water below to be good, but for an enlivening occur- 



42 Campaign against ^ebec^ ^77 S- 

rence which soon after happened. Hunger drove us 
along at a cautious but rapid rate. The sterihty of the 
country about had afforded us no game, neither moose, 
bear nor wolf: nothing in short, but the diver and a 
red pine squirrel which was too small and quick to be 
killed by a bullet. These squirrels did not much exceed 
in size our striped ground squirrel. About dusk the 
lieutenant's canoe, four hundred yards before us, had 
within view turned a sharp point of land, when we heard 
the crack of a rifle, and presently another and a huzza. 
Apprehending an attack from an enemy, we pulled hard 
to be enabled to sustain our friends. In a moment or 
two, observing them pulling for the north shore which 
was steep, we looked up it for the enemy. Good 
Heavens ! what a sight ! We saw a moose-deer, falling 
on the top of the bank. A cry of exultation seemed to 
burst the narrow valley of the river. Steele had struck 
the deer in the flank, as it was leaving the water, but it 
sprung up the bank with agility. Wheeler, with better 
fortune for us all, pierced its heart as it arrived at the top. 
Seeing this you can scarcely imagine the celerity of our 
movements. We were ashore in a moment. A fire 
was kindled, the secondary guide cut off the nose, and 
upper lip of the animal, instantly, and had it on the fire. 
What a feast ! But we were prudent. We sat up all 
night, selecting the fat and the tit-bits — fiying, boiling, 
roasting, and broiling, but carefully eating little at a time. 
Towards morning, we slept a few hours, absolutely care- 
less of consequences. We knew that we had arrived in 
a land where game was plentiful, and where there were 
no foes superior to our number, to oppose us. 

October 12. We rose after sunrise, and began, ac- 
cording to practice, to examine and prepare our guns. 
Prepared, mine was placed against a tree ; my duty, in 
course, was of the culinary kind. George Merchant, 
my coadjutor, had gone to the river for water. He ran 
back, seized his own gun, and intimated that a bull 
moose was swimming across the river towards the camp. 



Campaign against ^ebec, ^11 S- 43 

We jumped to our arms — it so happened that my station 
was rearward. The enormous animal was coming 
towards us, and not more than fifty paces off, his head 
and horns only above water. The sight was animating. 
Wheeler and some others fired at his head, but without 
effect. The extreme desire they had to possess so noble 
a prey, probably caused a tremor of the hand, or that 
part of his body was impenetrable to our small balls, 
which is most likely. The moose turned and swam to 
the opposite bank. Having got to the verge of the 
river, his emerging was awaited. My ball struck pre- 
cisely where it ought to kill. The huge animal rose 
the bank by several boggling leaps, but seemed un- 
knowing which way to run — we thought he would fall. 
Wheeler, and some others, getting into the canoes, pur- 
sued him by his blood half a mile. When Wheeler 
returned, he overloaded me with praises for the accuracy 
of the shot, and was confident that the deer was killed. 
We had no time to spare. We feasted till noon, and in 
the intermediate moments, culled the entrails for the fat ; 
we even broke the bones, and extracted the marrow, 
under the full persuasion that food of an oily nature is 
one of the strongest mainstays of human life. Of this 
principle, if we had a doubt, we were shortly after- 
wards most irrefragably convinced. We departed from 
our camp joyously, untortured by the fear of starving ; 
our canoe sunk deep by the weight of our venison. 
Running some miles and suddenly doubling a point, we 
saw a large grey wolf sitting on his haunches ; he was 
fired at, but the distance was too great ; he escaped. 
Looking down the river we saw a moose swimming from 
the main to an isla.nd ; it was soon brought down. It 
proved to be young, of about 300 weight. Its ears and 
flanks were much torn by the wolf. This prize consti- 
tuted veal in our larder. The choice parts were deposited 
in the canoes, the residue was at the disposal of the wolf. 
October 13th, the following morning, embarking early, 
after noon we arrived at our first encamping ground on 



44 Campaign against Quebec ^ ^77 S' 

the Dead river, in good health and spirits ; though pallid 
and weak, for the want of substantial food in due quantity. 

By this time the fat and marrow of the animals we 
had killed were exhausted, and our stock of salt had been 
long since expended. One who has never been deprived 
of bread and salt, nor known the absence of oleaginous 
substances in his food, cannot make a true estimate of 
the invaluable benefits of such ingredients, in the susten- 
tation of the bodily frame ; nor of the extremity of our 
corporeal debility. 

We ascended the bank, which is steep, and about 
fourteen feet high, carrying our baggage, arms and 
venison, leisurely, by piecemeal. The canoes, as being 
too heavy for our strength, were secured below, in the 
water, by withes. It was immediately concluded to 
preserve our provisions by jerking. This operation is 
done by slicing the meat into thin strips. Then driving 
four forks into the earth, in a square position, at the re- 
quired distance perpendicularly, and laying poles from 
fork to fork, and poles athwart from pole to pole. A 
rack is thus tnade, about four feet high, on which the 
sliced meat is laid, and smoke-fires are made underneath. 
This duty was soon performed. We now began to look 
about us, and discuss the subject of our return to the 
army, which we had, before this time, persuaded our- 
selves we should meet at this place. The non-appear- 
ance of the army and our distress, induced a conclusion 
that we were deserted, and abandoned to a disastrous 
fate, the inevitable result of which would be, a sinking 
into eternity for want of food, for though we might have 
killed more deer, the vigor of our bodies was so reduced, 
that we were convinced that that kind of food could 
not restore us to our wonted energy, and enable us to 
perform so rugged and long a march, as that to the 
frontiers of Maine. The notion of navigating the river, 
was scouted as a fallacy, because we did not possess a 
sufficient degree of bodily force to bear the canoes across 
the twelve-mile carrying-place. As, in the case of the 



Campaign against Quebec , 1775. 45 

retreat of the army, we had determined to f.llovv, it be- 
cane requisite to finish the jerking, which would take 
six days, to make it the more portable for our feeble- 
ness, and preservable if we should have wet weather on 
the march. It was further concluded " That Lieut. 
Steele, Getchel and Wheeler, should immediately pro- 
ceed on foot across the twelve-mile carrying-place, to 
meet the army : if they did meet it, that they should 
return to us with supplies by the end of three days, but 
in all events to return." Having no doubt of the honor 
of those gentlemen, the rest of the party remained 
cheerfully jerking the meat. Now we experienced the 
full extent of a new species of starving. Having neither 
bread, nor salt, nor fat of any kind, every day we re- 
mained here, we became more and more weak and ema- 
ciated. We had plenty of meat, both fresh and dried, 
of which we ate four, five and six times a day, in every 
shape we had the means of dressing it. Though we 
gorged the stomach, the appetite was unsatiated. Some- 
thing like a diarrhoea ensued, which contributed to the 
imbecility of our bodies. Bear's oil would have made 
our venison savory, but such an animal as a bear we 
had as yet not seen in all our wanderings. On the 
evening of the fourth day, we looked out for our absent 
companions with much heartfelt anxiety. They came 
not. In the morning of the next day, we consulted 
upon the question whether we should follow the army. 
A majority voted for staying a few days longer to com- 
plete the jerking. To show you the great bodily weak- 
ness we were brought to, it may be proper to relate the 
following anecdote as more evincive of the fact, than 
any other method which might be adopted, to bring it 
fully to your minds. Sergeant Boyd (the strongest and 
stoutest man of the party and perhaps of the army), and 
myself, taking our arms, descended into a canoe, and 
passed the river to the mouth of the creek before men- 
tioned, intending to go to the next pond on the carrying- 
place, there to meet, as we hoped, the advance of the 



46 Campaign against Quebec ^ ^IIS' 

army. We staggered along through the plain, falling 
every now and then, if our toes but touched a twig or 
tuft of grass. Thus going forward, we arrived at the 
edge of the moss-bog, which is mentioned as we as- 
cended the river, and which is one and a half or two 
miles from the pond. Here mv worthy friend Boyd, 
unable to proceed, sunk down upon a log. My seat, in 
tears of excruciating grief, was taken beside him, en- 
deavoring to infuse comfort and courage into his manly 
mind — it was in vain. The debility of his body had 
disarmed his courageous soul. Every art in my power 
was exercised to induce him to pass the bog ; he would 
not listen to me on that subjeet. Melancholy of the 
desperate kind oppressed me. Convinced that the army 
had retreated, a prognostication resulted in my mind, 
that we should all die of mere debility in these wilds. 
We sat an hour. At length we agreed to return to our 
camp, though it was yet early in the afternoon. Our 
companions were pleased to see us, thinking our coming 
so soon indicated good news ; but a gloom of despera- 
tion followed. As a last effort to save our lives, we all 
agreed to pass the river the next morning and follow the 
army, which we were now assured had returned to 
Fort Western. Each one put into his knapsack as much 
of our mawkish food, as he could conveniently carry. 
October 17. We started early, passed the river, but 
from mere inability to carry our canoes, left them behind 
us, at the bank of the creek. Marching forward as 
fast as our feeble limbs would carry us, when we came 
to the log where Boyd had seated himself, we were filled 
with extatic joy to observe, 011 the far side of the bog, 
a party of pioneers forming a causeway for the passage 
of the army. Our strength redoubled — we passed the 
bog with considerable speed. Our wan and haggard 
faces and meagre bodies, and the monstrous beards of 
my companions, who had neglected to carry a razor with 
them, seemed to strike a deep sorrow into the hearts of 
the pioneers. They gave us a little of their food, but 



Campaign against Quebec, 1775. 47 

what exhilerated us more, was the information that 
Major Febiger, with the advanced-guard, lay at the next 
pond. We urged forward as fast as we could. Arriv- 
ing at his fire a little before my company, an incapacity 
to stand compelled me to sit. Febiger, in a hurried 
manner, asked who we were ? and from whence we 
came ? A few words explained the mystery and cause 
of our distress. A glistening tear stood in this brave 
soldier's eye. As it were with a sudden and involuntary 
motion and much tenderness, he handed me his wooden 
canteen {which contained the last spirits in the army), 
from me it passed to Cunningham, who had just come 
up, the most ghastly and way-worn figure in nature, 
from him it went round to the rest, who arrived grad- 
ually, but slowly.' The heart of Febiger ' seemed over- 
joyed at the relief he had and could afford us. The 
liquor had restored our fainting spirits, but this was not 
enough for his generosity to exhibit. He requested us 
to take seats around the fire, and wait the boiling of his 
kettle, which was well replenished with pork and dump- 
lings. This was all devoted to our use, accompanied by 
an open heartedness and the kindest expressions of interest 
for our sufferings, and regard for our perseverance in 
our duty as military men. This meal to all of us seemed 
a renewal of life. It was accustomed food. Febiger, 
ere this time, was unknown to us, but in the process of 
events, he acquired our esteem and entire confidence, 
as a friend and a real soldier. Our more immediate and 
intimate friends were still beyond the pond, but coming 

' Christian Febiger, colonel in the Revolutionary army, born Denmark, 
17475 died, Phila. Sept. 20, 1796. He had seen service before en- 
listing April 28, 1775, and at Bunker's Hill led a portion of Gerrlsh's 
regiment, of which he was adjutant, to the scene of battle in season to do 
good service. He served with rrarked ability throughout the war; ac- 
companied Arnold to Quebec, and was made prisoner in the attack on that 
citadel ; was conspicuous at the capture of Stony Point, where he led a 
column of attack, and at Yorktown, where he commanded the 2d Va. 
regiment. From 1789 until his death, he was treasurer of Pensylvania. — 
Drake I Biographical Dictionary^ 3* 9- 



48 Campaign against ^ebec^ ^11 S- 

forward. By-and-by Morgan came, large, a command- 
ing aspect, and stentorian voice. He wore leggings, and 
a cloth in the Indian style. His thighs, which were 
exposed to view, appeared to have been lacerated by the 
thorns and bushes. He knew our story from Steele and 
Wheeler, and greeted us kindly. V\ e now found our- 
selves at home, in the bosom of a society of brave men, 
with whom we were not only willing, but anxious to 
meet the brunts of war. This was the twenty-sixth day 
we had been absent from the army. In the evening we 
resumed our stations in our respective messes. It was 
now fully explained to us, why Steele had not brought 
us relief. He had met the advance of the army on the 
Kennebec side of the carrying-place. Always alert aiid 
indefatigable, when any duty was to be done, the 
labors of the men in carrying boats, barrels of flour, 
etc., were intolerable, and required the strength and 
athletic exertions of the officers, and particularly, such 
as Lieut. Steele, to enliven them in their duty. In bear- 
ing a heavy burden over rugged ground, he fell and 
sprained or dislocated his shoulder. ^ Notwithstanding 
this accident, he had sent us supplies, but the bearers, 
either from cowardice or other cause, never came near 
us. Getchel and Wheeler had other duties to attend 
to — they were under immediate command. We also 
discovered from Steele, that Clifton and M'Konkey, 
soon after we left them, had deserted their post, carry- 
•ing all they could on their backs, to meet the army. 
The dastardly vices of the latter, prevailing over the 
known courage, good sense, and sedate age, oi the 
former : nothing occurs to me contributory to the fame 
of these men atteiwards. The first was an invalid, the 
latter a caitiff coward. In vour scanning the characters 
of men, which you will be compelled to do in 
your own defence, in the course of your lives, it 
will be a good general rule for you to adopt : that 
whether you be in the company of military men, scholars, 
men of the law, legislators, etc., etc., in short, persons 



Campaign against ^ebec^ ^Tl S- 49 

of any profession or class, if you find a person very 
loquacious, dragging the conversation to himself, and in 
a dictatorial way talcing the lead ; but more especially if 
he talks of his own prowess, deep reading, causes he has 
gained, eloquence, etc., etc., but still more so if the party 
boasts of wealth or ancestry : in the first instance, with- 
out hesitation, set such a person down in your memory 
as a braggadocio, a mere puffer, until you can inquire 
further for a proof to the contrary. There are, to my 
knowledge, exceptions to this general rule, but few in 
number, particularly in the military class. M'Konkey 
was of the puffing sect, and there never was a more 
consummate scoundrel and coward. 

October i8th. Now we turned our faces towards 
the north. Having rejoined our messmates, enjoying 
substantial food and warm tents, we soon recruited a 
good degree of strength, and our former gayety of temper 
and hilarity returned to us. We accompanied the army, 
and became a kind of guides in minute matters, for the 
paths and carrying places we had sufficiently developed, 
for Captain Ayres and his pioneers, by strong blazing 
and snagging of bushes, so that he might proceed in per- 
fect security, in the performance of the duties of his 
office. The three companies of riflemen under Morgan 
took up our old encamping ground'on the Dead river, 
during the afternoon of the following day.' 



' The place on the Kennebec where the carry commenced is now 
definitely known to lumbermen and inhabitants of that region ; indeed 
the route to the ponds, and between them and the Dead river is distinctly 
marked by a growth of evergreens passing through a growth of hard wood 
growth, they having taken the place of the original wood cut by the army 
to facilitate the crossing. It is said that some of the bateaux which were 
abandoned at the ponds, and sunk there, are occasionally found on the bot- 
tom. — Letter from Hon. Jame% W. North. 

During the survey of the north-eastern boundary in 1844, one of the 
engineers traversing the swampy highland observed a hollow sound where 
he struck down his Jacob staff, he discovered on scraping away the moss 
an entire bateau, composed of sawed wood which was not indigenous to the 
locality, that rendered it more than probable that it was one of Arnold's 
bateaux. — Later of Mr. yobn F. Anderson. — M. 

5 



50 Campaign against ^ebeCy 1775. 

October 19th and 20th. Here we lay encamped for 
several days, waiting the arrival of the rear ot the New 
England troops : they came up hourly. During our 
stay here, it pleased me internally, to observe that Mor- 
gan adopted certain rules of discipline, absolutely neces- 
sary to the state we were in, but discordant with the 
wild and extravagant notions of our private men.^ 
Powder and ball, particularly the first, to us riflemen, 
was of the first consequence. At Cambiidge the horns 
belonging to the men were filled with an excellent rifle 
powder, which, when expended, could not be replaced 
in Canada by any powder of an equal quality. The men 



' Morgan was a strict disciplinarian. Permit an anecdote. He had 
obtained the command ot the rifle corps from Arnold, without any 
advertence to the better claim of Hendiicks, who, though the youngest 
man was of the three captains, in point of rank, by the dates of commis- 
sions, the superior officer. Hendricks, for the sake of peace in the army, 
and of good order, prudently and good naturedly acquiesced in his assump- 
tion of the command, for Morgan had seen more service in our former wars. 

At this place Morgan had given it out in orders, that no one should fire. 
One Chamberlaine, a worthless fellow, who did not think it worth while 
to draw his bullet, had gone soipe hundreds of yards into the woods, and 
discharged his gun. Lieut. Steele happened to be in that quarter at the 
time ; Steele had but arrived at the fire, where we sat, when Morgan, 
who had seen him coming, approached our camp, and seated himself within 
our circle. Presently Chamberlaine came, gun in hand, and was passing 
our fire, towards that of his mess. Morgan called to the soldier, accused 
him as the defaulter^ this the man (an arrant liar ) denied. Morgan 
appealed to Steele. Steele admitted he heard the report, but knew not the 
party who discharged the gun. Morgan suddenly springing to a pile of 
billets, took one, and swore he would knock the accused down unless he 
confessed the fact. Instantly, Smith seized another billet, and swore he 
would strike Morgan if he struck the man. Morgan knowing the tenure 
of his rank, receded. This was the only spirited act 1 knew of Smith. 
Such were the rough-hewn characters which, in a few subsequent years, by 
energy of mind and activity of body, bore us safely through the dreadlul 
storms of the revolution. Morgan was of an impetuous temper, yet withal, 
prudent in war, as he was fearless of personal danger. His passions 
were quick and easily excited, but they were soon cooled. This observa- 
tion is applicable to many men of great talents, and to none more than 
Morgan. His severity, at times, has made me shudder, though it was 
necessary, yet it would have been a pleasing trait in his character if it had 
been less rigid. — Henry. 



Campaign against ^ebec, ^71 S' 5^ 

had got into a habit of throwing it away at every trifling 
object. Upon our return from the Chaudiere, this cir- 
cumstance raised disgust in us ; for we had been studi- 
ously careful of our ammunition, never firing but at 
some object which would give us the means of subsist- 
ence. Though we drew our loads every morning, from 
a fear of the dampness of the atmosphere, yet the ball 
and powder were never lost. Our bullet screws brought 
the first out with ease, and it was recast, the latter was 
carefully returned to the horn, where, if moist, it soon 
became dry. The principal of Morgan's rules were, 
that there should be no straggling from the camp; and 
no firing without authoritative permission. Reasonable 
as these injunctions were, they were opposed. Being 
young and my friend Steele absent, a whisper of appro- 
bation did not fall from me, which, in my subordinate 
station, might have been indelicate. It was left to the 
energy of Morgan's mind, and he conquered. During 
our resting here, Arnold, accompanied by Steele and 
some excellent boatmen, proceeded to the head of the 
river. The rifle corps preceded the main body of the 
army, both by land and water. The boats, which were 
heavily laden with baggage and provisions, took in no 
more men than were necessary to navigate them, that is, 
three to a boat. The remainder of the army marched 
by land, the river being generally the guide. 

Here, my dear children, permit me to give you the 
genuine character of my friend. General Simpson, whom 
you all know personally. He was among my earliest 
and best friends. He was then as apparently eccentric, 
as he is at this time : there is no obvious difference in 
his manners between the two periods. As an officer, 
he was always active and keen in the performance of 
his duty. Hard was the service ; but his heart was soft 
to his friend. Simpson invited his messmate aboard his 
boat, being still somewhat feeble from our late privations : 
the invitation was gladly accepted. 

October 2ist. We embarked. Having Lieut. 



52 Campaign against ^ebec^ ^11 S- 

Simpson for a steersman, and John Tidd and James 
Dougherty as boatmen, we went gaily on for that and 
the next day : able to lead any boat in the river. 

October 22d. On the evening of this second day, 
we encamped on a bank eight or nine feet high, at a 
place where we had rested when ascending the river the 
first time. In the evening a most heavy torrent of rain 
fell upon us, which continued all night. Having now a 
good tent over our heads, the inconvenience was not much 
felt. We slept soundly. Towards morning, we were 
awaked by the water which flowed in upon us from the 
river. We fled to high ground. 

October 23, When morning came the river pre- 
sented a most frightful aspect : it had risen at least eight 
feet, and flowed with terrifying rapidity. None but the 
most strong and active boatmen entered the boats, the 
army marched on the south side of the river, making 
large circuits to avoid the overflowings of the intervale 
or bottom lands. This was one of the most fatiguing 
marches we had as yet performed, though the distance 
was not great in a direct line. But having no path and 
being necessitated to climb the steepest hills, and that 
without food, for we took none with us, thinking the 
boats would be near us all day. In the evening we 
arrived at the fall of four feet, which was mentioned 
when ascending the river. Alas ! all the boats of the 
army were on the opposite side of the river. The pitch 
of the fall made a dreadful noise, and the current ran with 
immense velocity. We sat down on the bank sorely 
pinched by hunger, looking wistfully towards our friends 
beyond the torrent, who were in possession of all the 
provisions, tents and camp equipage, convinced however, 
that the most adventurous boatmen would not dare the 
passage, for the sake of accommodating any of us. We 
were mistaken. There were two men, and only two, 
who had skill and courage to dare it. Need Lieut. 
Simpson, on an occasion like this, be named 1 he, ac- 
companied by John Tidd, entered his empty boat. 



Campaign against ^ebec^ i775» S3 

What skill in boatmanship ! what aptitude with the 
paddle was here exhibited. The principal body of the 
water ran over the middle of the fall, and created a 
foaming and impetuous torrent, in some measure resem- 
bling, at this particular time, of a very high freshet, that 
of the Oswego falls, which has been known to me ere 
this. The river was about one hundred and fifty, or two 
hundred yards in breadth, counting on the increase of 
water by the rains. The force of the central current 
naturally formed considerable eddies at each side of the 
river, close under the pitch. Simpson now disclosed his 
amazing skill. Though there was an eddy, even that 
was frightful, he came by its mean nearly under the 
pitch, and trying to obtain an exact start, failed. The 
stream forced his boat down the river, but he recovered 
and brought it up. Now we, who were trembling for 
the fate of our friends, and anxious for our own accom- 
modation, began to fear he might be drawn under the 
pitch. Quick, almost in a moment, Simpson was with 
us. He called in his loud voice to Robert Dixon, James 
Old ( a messmate ) and myself to enter the boat. We 
entered immediately. He pushed ofF; attempting the 
start by favor of the hither eddy, which was the main 
thing — we failed. Returning to the shore, we were as- 
sailed by a numerous band of soldiers, hungry, and 
anxious to be with their companions. Simpson told 
them he could not carry more with safety, and would 
return for them. Henry M'Annaly, a tall Irishman, 
who could not from experience comprehend the danger, 
jumped into the boat ; he was followed by three or four 
other inconsiderate men. The countenance of Simpson 
changed, his soul and mine were intimate. "O God," 
said he, "men we shall all die." They would not 
recede. Again we approached the pitch ; it was horrible. 
The bateau swam deep, almost ungovernable by the 
paddle. Attempting again to essay the departure — we 
failed. The third trial was made : it succeeded. As 
lightning we darted athwart the river. Simpson with his 



54 Campaign against ^ebec^ ^775- 

paddle, governed the stern. The worthy Tidd in the 
bow. Dixon and myself, our guns stuck in the railing 
of the bateau, but without paddles, sat in the stern next 
to Simpson. Mr. Old was in the bow near Tidd. 
Henry M'Annaly was adjoining Mr. Old. The other 
men sat between the stern and bow. Simpson called to 
the men in the bow to lay hold of the birch bushes ; 
the boat struck the shore forcibly : they caught hold 
M'Annaly in particular (this was in the tail of the eddy ), 
but like children, their holds slipped, at the only spot 
where we could have been saved ; for the boat had been 
judiciously and sately brought up. Letting go their 
holds, the bow came round to the stream, and the stern 
struck the shore. Simpson, Dixon, and myself, now 
caught the bushes, but being by this time thrown into the 
current, the strength of the water made the withes as so 
many straws in our hands. The stern again swung 
round: the bow came again ashore. Mr. Old, Tidd, 
and M'Annaly, and the rest, sprung to the land to save 
their lives. Doing this, at our cost, their heels forced 
the boat across the current. Though we attempted to 
steady it, the boat swagged. In a moment after, at 
thirty feet ofF shore, it being broad side to the current, 
turned ; borne under, in spite of all our force, by the 
fury of the stream. The boat upsetting, an expression, 
as going into the water, fell from me, " Simpson we 
are going to heaven." My fall was head -foremost. 
Simpson came after me — his heels, at the depth of fifteen 
feet or more, were upon my head and neck ; and those 
grinding on the gravel. We rose nearly together, vour 
father first — my friend followed. The art of swimming, 
in which, I thought myself an adept, was tried, but it 
was a topsy-turvy business. The force of the water 
threw me often heels-over-head. 

In the course of this voyage, after a few hundred 
yards, Simpson was at my side, but the force of the 
stream prevented the exertion of swimming ; yet the 
impetuosity of the current kept us up. It drove us 



Campaign against Quebec ^ ^775- 5S 

toward the other side of the river, against a long ridge 
of perpendicular rocks of great extent. Luckilv, in the 
course of some hundred yards, the current changed, and 
brought us perforce to the north side of the river. Float- 
ing along with my head just above water — prayers in 
sincere penitence having been uttered, a boat's crew of 
the eastern men handed me a pole. It was griped as by 
the hand of death — but griped the pole remained to me. 
The strength of water was such, that the boat would 
inevitably have upset, if the boatman had kept his hold. 
A glance of the eye informed me that my companion 
in misfortune had shared the same fate. Resigned into 
the bosom of my Savior, my eyes became closed ; the 
death appeared to me a hard one ; sensibility in a great 
degree forsook me. Driving with the current some 
hundreds of yards more, the most palpable feeling recol- 
lected, was the striking of my breast against a root or 
hard substance. Alv head came above water. Breathing 
ensued ; at the same moment Simpson raised his head 
out of the water, his gold laced hat on it, crying " Oh ' " 
neither of us could have crept out ; we should have there 
died but for the assistance of Edward Cavanaugh, an 
Irishman, an excellent soldier, who was designated in 
the company by the appellation of Honest Ned. Passing 
from the lower part of the river, he happened to come 
to the eddy, at the instant of time my breast struck. He 
cried out " Lord, Johnny ! is this you .'"' and instantly 
dragged me out of the water. Simpson immediately 
appearing, he did him the same good office. Lying on 
the earth perhaps twenty minutes, the water pouring 
from me, a messenger from the camp came to rouse us. 
Roused we went to it. But all eyes looked out for 
Dixon, all hearts were wailing for his loss. It was 
known he could not swim, but none of us could recollect 
whether he had dropped into the water or had adhered 
to the boat. In some time we had the inexpressible 
pleasure of Dixon in our company. He had stuck to 
the side of the boat, which lodged on a vast pile of drift 



56 Campaign against ^ebec^ ^775' 

wood some miles below, and in this way he was saved. 
Arriving at the camp our friends had a large fire prepared, 
particularly for our accommodation ; heat upon such an 
occurrence is most agreeable. My two friends in dis- 
tress, whose clothing was principally woolen — felt none 
of my private disaster. My leather breeches attached 
closely and coldly to the skin. Modesty prohibited a 
disclosure. The sense of pain or inconvenience which 
was observed by my seniors, caused an inquiry. Imme- 
diately the breeches were off and stuck upon a pole to 
dry. Simpson was so much exhilerated by our escape, 
that seated on a stump, he sung P/ato in great glee. It 
became a favorite with us. During all this time, perhaps 
till one or two o'clock, my breeches were in my hand 
almost in continued friction. The laugh of the company 
was against me, but it was borne stoically. 

October 24, the following morning, presented me with 
many difficulties ; to be sure my horn, with a pound of 
powder, and my pouch, with seventy bullets, were un- 
harmed by the water, though around my neck in the 
course of our swimming. Yet I had lost my knapsack, 
my hat, and my most precious rifle. Awaking, the 
world appeared to be a wild waste. Disarmed, my insig- 
nificance pressed strongly on my mind — dishonor seemed 
to follow of course. Without the armor of defence^ men 
and nations are mere automatons, liable to be swayed by 
the beck of power and subject to the hand of oppression. 
Young as your father was, his soul was oppressed. To 
return with the invalids was dreadful, and without arms, 
he could not proceed. Comfort came to me in the shape 
of Lieutenant, now General Nichols, then of Hendricks. 
He had two hats — he presented me one ; but what was 
more to my purpose, he, or General Simpson, informed 
me that some of the invalids wished to dispose of their 
rifles. With the assistance of Nichols and Simpson, a 
bargain was struck with a person called William Rey- 
nolds, or Rannals, of our company ; who was miserably 
sick, and returned in the boats. Money was out of the 



Campaign against ^ebec, i-jj^. ^y 

question, an order upon my father, dated at this place, 
tor the price of twelve dollars was accepted, and after- 
wards in due time, paid honorably. This gun was short, 
about forty-five balls to the pound, the stock shattered 
greatly, and worth about forty shillings. Necessity has 
no law. Never did a gun, ill as its appearance was, shoot 
with greater certainty, and where the ball touched, from 
Its size, It was sure to kill. .This observation, triflina as 
It may seem, ought to induce government to adopt guns 
of this size, as to length of barrel, and size of ball. 

1 here are many reasons to enforce this opinion. We 
departed from this place without any material occurrence 
and went rapidly forward. ' 

October 27th. Somewhat laughable ensued on this 
morning near the first pond, at the head of the river. 

1 he Virginians (though it is not probable that any of 
the officers excepting one) had taken up the idea, that 
they were our superiors in every military qualification, 
and ought to lead. Hendricks, though the oldest com- 
missioned officer of the rifle companies, was still the 
youngest man. For the sake of peace and good order, 
he had not assented to, but merely acquiesced in Morgan's 
assumption of the command of our corps, as the elder 
person. Those men, who were clever and brave, were 
just such m that behalf, as we were ourselves : but a 
Mr. Heath, who was blind of an eye, a lieutenant of 
Morgan s, seemed to think, that all others were in- 
ferior to those of the ancient dominion. We had a hard 
morning's pushing, when coming up to the first pond, 
at the head of the Dead-river, we saw Heath before us. 
Observing to Simpson, ^' push him," we went up with 
much force ; poor Heath laboring as a slave to keep 
his place. Tidd and Dougherty felt my spirit as much 
as bimpson did. At the moment of our passing, for we 
went up on the outside of him, towards the middle of 
the current, his pole stuck, upon which he gave us a 
tew hearty curses. Entering the lake, the boat under 
my guidance and information, steered directly for the 



58 Campaign against ^ebec, 1775. 

passage to the second lake. Humphreys (Morgan's first 
lieutenant) a brave and most amiable man, whom we 
highly esteemed, was in a boat far to the left, searching 
for a passage. Simpson, at my instance, hailed him to 
come on. He answered there was no passage there^ al- 
luding to the place we steered for. Encouraging my 
friend to go on, the deception Humphreys lay under was 
soon discovered. The creek was soon discovered. 
The creek was deep and serpentine, and the country 
around, for a considerable distance, a flat. A log 
brought down by the last freshet, lay across the stream, 
so as to give to a stranger the idea that the mouth of 
the creek was merely a nook of the lake. Setting the 
log afloat, as was easily done, the boat proceeded. 

October 28. Continuing rapidly, for now we had no 
carrying, nor marking of trees, there being plenty of 
water, the evening was spent at the foot of that mountain 
called the Height-of-land.' This was a day of severe 
labor. The navigation of the Chaudiere, being, so far 
as our information went, represented to the captains, 
Hendricks and Smith, as very dangerous, they, to save 
their men, concluded to carry over the hill, but one 
boat for each of their companies. This resolution was 
easily accomplished. Morgan, on the other hand, de- 
termined to carry over all his boats. It would have made 
your heart ache, to view the intolerable labors his fine 
fellows underwent. Some of them, it was said, had the 
flesh worn from their shoulders, even to the bone. The 
men said it ; but by this time an antipathy against 
Morgan, as too strict a disciplinarian had arisen. 

October 29th. The following day, the army, dis- 
jointed as was our corps, at least Hendricks's and Smith's, 
encamped on the plain, on the bank of the Chaudiere. 



' The Hon. Miles Standish lives on what is termed the Flag Staff 
Plantation, at the foot of Mount Bigelow, on Arnold's route, the mountain 
on which Maj. Timothy Bigelow planted a flag staff, which gave name to 
the mountain and ^\icc.— Letter from Hon. James W. North.— M. 



Campaign against ^ebec^ ^11 S- 59 

Morgan afterwards took his station near us. Here it 
first became generally known, that Enos had returned 
from the twelve mile carrying-place, with 500 men, a 
large stock of provisions, and the medicine chest.' It 



' The desertion of Enos was known by a portion of the army as early as 
the 23d. He made an ingenious defence of his retreat, and at the trial the 
witnesses being his own officers, who were all in favor of returning, he was 
acquitted, but never survived the stigma of having done a disreputable 
act. — M. 

Head-guarters, Cambridge, November 30, 1775. 

A General Court Martial to sit to-morrow morning, at eleven o'clock, 
at Mr. Pomeroy's, in Cambridge, to try Lieutenant-Colonel Enos, for 
" quitting his commanding-officer without leave." President, Brigadier- 
General Sullivan, with the twelve field-officers next for court-martial duty. 

COLONEL ROGER ENOS TO THE PUBLIC. 

I esteem it the duty of every man not only to merit a good name, but to 
appear in defence of it when unjustly attacked, and, if possible, to clear it 
from groundless aspersions. Great numbers, for want of proper informa- 
tion, or by artful misrepresentations, imbibe unreasonable prejudices against 
their fellow men, and form conceptions greatly to their disadvantage, who, 
on a full and impartial knowledge of the facts, will essentially alter their 
opinions, and applaud those actions which, from misrepresentation, they 
were inclined to censure and condemn. As my character, both as an 
officer and soldier, hath of late suffered much in the view of many, and as 
I value my reputation as high as my life (indeed, I consider it as the 
greatest curse that can befall a man to outlive his character), I must beg 
leave, through the channel oi the press, to exhibit to the world the follow- 
ing representation of my case j which I trust will sufficiently clear up my 
character, and convince the impartial, that my conduct, instead of the cen- 
sure, merits the approbation of the public. 

At a Court of Inquiry held at Cambridge, on Wednesday, the 29th day 
of November, 1775, by order of his excellency the commander-in-chief 
of the forces of the United Colonies, to examine into the conduct of Lieu- 
tenant-Colonel Enos, for leaving the detachment under Colonel Arnold and 
returning home, without permission from his commanding officer, present : 

Major-General Lee, president ; Brig. General Greene, Brig. General 
Heath, Colonel Nixon, Colonel Stark, Major Durkee, Major Sherburne. 

The court are of opinion, after receiving all the information within their 
power, that Colonel Enos's misconduct (if he has been guilty of misconduct) is 
not of so very heinous a nature as was first supposed, but that it is necessary, 
for the satisfaction of the world, and for his own honor, that a court-martial 
should be immediately held for his trial. 

Charles Lee, Maj. General, President. 

A true copy, from the minutes of said court, compared and examined by 

W. Tudor, Judge Ad-vocate. 



6o Campaign against ^uebec^i^^ c^. 

damped our spirits much, but our commander conceived 
it was better to proceed than return. We were about 
a hundred miles from the frontier of Canada, but treble 
that distance from that of New-England. Our provisions 



Proceedings of a general court-martial of the line held at head-quarters at 
Cambridge, by order of hi % Excellency George Washington, Esq., Com- 
mander-in-chief of the Forces of the United Colonies, December i, A.D. 

Brigadier General Sullivan, president ; Colonel Bridge, Colonel Sergeant, 
Colonel Greaton, Lieutenant-Colonel Cleveland, Lieutenant-Colonel Marsh, 
Lieutenant-Colonel Reed, Lieutenant-Colonel Brown, Lieutenant-Colonel 
Vose, Major Poor, Major Wood, Major Woods, Major Johnson ; W. 
Tudor, judge advocate. 

The court, being duly sworn, proceeded to the trial of Lieutenant-Colonel 
Enos, of the Twenty-Second Regiment, under an arrest for leaving the de- 
tachment under Colonel Arnold, and returning home, without permission 
from his commanding officer. 

Lieutenant-Colonel Enos, being arraigned on the above charge, says, that 
true it is, he did return without permission from Colonel Arnold, his com- 
manding officer; but the circumstances of the case were such as obliged 
him so to do. 

Captain Williams. At the great carrying-place, I heard that the men 
ahead were in want of provision. About two-thirds across the great 
carrying-place, I met Major Bigelow coming back with ninety-fiv6 men, 
who said they wanted provision ; I dealt out to them a barrel of pork and 
one of flour ; I delivered Major Bigelow six barrels more of provision. We 
proceeded forward, and met several parties returning home, and we had 
orders to supply them with provision to reach the English settlements. 
When I came up with Colonel Enos, I was informed by Major Bigelow 
fthere had been a council of war, and that it was settled that, for want of 
[provisions, the whole detachment under Colonel Enos should return. Col- 
I onel Enos proposed to go forward, and let his division return; but as there 
I was a large number, besides those which belonged properly to our division, 
and as we had several invalids to bring back, and were very short of provi- 
I sion (for we had but three days' provision, and were above one hundred 
miles from the English settlements), I thought it was absolutely necessary 
for Colonel Enos to take the command of the party back, and protested 
against his going on to join Colonel Arnold ; at the same time, not know- 
ing that Colonel Enos had any orders from Colonel Arnold to join him. 
That division which went on to join Colonel Arnold had not more than 
five days' provision. We supplied Colonel Greene's divisiun with most of 
"tlTeir provision, and left ourselves but three days' provision. 

Captain McCobb. About fifty miles up the Dead river we held a council 
of war, at which I assisted as a member; and it was agreed that the whole 
division under Col. Enos should return, there not being sufficient provision 
to carry both divisions through. Colonel Greene's division being some 
way ahead, it was found that we should save two days' time by letting that 



Campaign against ^ebeCy 1775. ^^ 

were exhausted. We had no meat of any kind. The 
flour which remained, so far as I know, was divided 
fairly and equally, among the whole of the troops, the 
rifiemen shared five pints of fiour per man. During the 



division go forward, and time was too precious and provision too scarce to 
enter into disputes. It was thought best for the service, that Colonel 
Greene's division should proceed, and we left them with about five days' I 
provision, and returned with three ourselves. Lieutenant-Colonel Enos I 
was for going forward without his division j but, for the same reasons which 
have been mentioned by Captain Williams, I protested against his going on. I 

Captain Scott confirms all that Captain McCobb deposes, and adds, that 
he himself protested against Colonel Enos's going forward j that he thought,- < 
and is now confirmed in the opinion, that the presence of Colonel Enos 
was very necessary to preserve the harmony and order necessary to 
secure the safe retreat of the men who were ordered to return. 

Lieutenant Hide. I assisted at the council of war up the Dead river. 
We found, by the best computation, that it would take fifteen days to reach 
any French inhabitants, and that it would be impossible for both divisions 
of Greene's and Enos's to go through, the provision being so short. It was 
adjudged that there was about four days' provision for those who went for- 
ward, and we returned with three. I protested against Colonel Enos's going 
on to join Colonel Arnold, his presence being necessary for our safe retreat, 
as we had a number of invalids, and a considerable number of men who did 
not belong to either of the companies in our division. 

Lieutenant Buckmaster confirms what Lieutenant Hide deposes; and 
adds, that it was the opinion of all the officers of Colonel Enos's division, : 
that he should return with his division, as we had one hundred and fifty 
men who did not belong to our division, who had only a subaltern to com- 
mand them, and whom it would have been impossible to manage without i 
Colonel Enos's presence. 

The court being cleared, after mature consideration, are unanimously of 
opinion, that Colonel Enos was under a necessity of returning with the 
division under his command, and therefore acquit him with honor. 

John Sullivan, President. 

A true copy of the proceedings. 

Attest : W. Tudor, 'Judge Ad-vocate. 

New-York, April 28, 1776. 
I hereby certify that I was president of a court-martial, in Cambridge, 
when Colonel Enos was t'-ied for leaving Colonel Arnold with the rear 
division of the detachment under his command, bound for Quebec ; and, 
upon the trial, it clearly appeared to me, as well as to all the other mem- 
bers of the court, that Colonel Enos was perfectly justifiable in returning 
with the division, being clearly proved, by the testimony of witnesses of 
undoubted veracity (some of whom I have been personally acquainted with 
for a number of years, and know them to be persons of truth), that so | 
much provision had been sent forward, to support the other divisions, as | 

6 



62 Campaign against ^ebec, 1775. 

night and the ensuing morning, the flour was baked into 
five cakes per man, under the ashes, in the way of Indian 
bread. 

October 30th. We set forward. The men were 
told by the officers " that orders would " not be required 
in the march, each one must " put the best foot foremost." 
The first day's march was closed by a charming sleep on 
fir-branches. The gentlemen of our mess lay together, 
covering themselves with the blankets of each one. My 
memory does not serve, to say, that any stir was made 
by any one, during the night. Happening to be the first 



left them so small a quantity that tlieir men were almost famished with 
hunger on their return ; and some would undoubtedly have starved, had 
they not, by accident, come across and killed a large moose. Upon their 
evidence, there remained no doubt in the mind of myself, or any of the 
members, that the return of the division was prudent and reasonable; being 
well convinced that they had not provision sufficient to carry them half 
way to Quebec, and that their going forward would only have deprived 
the other division of a part of theirs, which, as the event has since shown, 
was not enough to keep them all from perishing ; we therefore unani- 
mously acquitted Colonel Enos with honor. 

I further certify, that by a strict inquiry into the matter since, from per- 
sons who were in the divisions that went forward, I am convinced that had 
Colonel Enos, with his division, proceeded, it would have been a means of 
causing the whole detachment to have perished in the woods, for want of 
sustenance. 

I further add, that I have been well informed, by person acquainted 
with Colonel Enos, that he has ever conducted as a good and faithful officer. 

John Sullivan. 

to the impartial public. 
The case of Lieutenant-Colonel Enos having engaged the attention of 
many officers of the army, as well as others, and as we are informed he is 
much censured by many persons, tor returning back from the expedition to 
Canada, under the command of Colonel Arnold, by which Colonal Enos's 
character greatly suffers, we think it our duty to certify, that some of us, 
from our own personal knowledge of the military abilities of Colonel Enos, 
and others of us from information, are fully convinced that he is a gentle- 
man fully acquainted with his duty as an officer, a man of fortitude and 
prudence, and, in our opinion, well calculated to sustain, with honor, any 
military character ; and, from the fullest inquiry, we are satisfied that 
(whatsoever different representations may be made) in returning to camp, 
with the division under his command, he is justifiable, and conducted as an 
understanding, prudent, faithful officer, and deserves applause rather than 



Campaign against ^ebec^ ^11 S- 



63 



who awaked, in the morning, the blanket was suddenly 
thrown from my head, but what was my surprise to find 
that we had lain under a cover of at least four inches of 
snow. We scarcely had risen and had our kettle on the 
fire, when our drummer (we had no bugles), John 
ShaefFer, came slipshod to our fire, complaining that all 
his cakes had been stolen from him. A more wretched 
figure was scarcely ever beheld. He was purblind. This 
circumstance, though he was my townsman, and ac- 
quainted with me from my earliest infancy, was yet 
unknown to me until this last march, ascending the 



censure ; and we can safely recommend him as a person worthy to be em- 
ployed in any military department. 



William Heath, Brig. -Gen. 

James Reed, Colonel. 

J. Brewer, Colonel. 
ii,J Samuel H. Parsons, Colonel. 

Joseph Reed, Colonel. 

Jonathan Ni.xon, Colonel. 

Charles Webb, Colonel. 

Daniel Hitchcock, Colonel. 
<Ci' John Stark, Colonel. 

Levi Wells, Major. 

Samuel Wyllys, Colonel. 

William Shepard, Lieut. -Col. 

Andrew Colburn, Major. 



Joel Clark, Lieut. -Col. 
Ebenezer Sprout, Major. 
Ebenezer Clap, Lieut. -Col. 
Samuel Prentice, Major. 
Calvin Smith, Major. 
JosiAH Hayden, Major. 
John Baily, Colonel. 
John Tyler, Lieut. -Col. 
Thomas Nixon, Lieut. -Col. 
Loammi B.^ldwin, Colonel. 
James Wesson, Lieut. -Col. 
Isaac Sherman, Major. 



Now, let Dr. Smith, of Philadelphia, display the malignity of his heart 
in another funeral oration, in attempting to stab my reputat'on, and render 
me infamous in the view of the world. However, I will venture to assert, 
that if ill-nature, and a fondness to raise his reputation on the ruin of his 
fellow-men, are as discernible in his other political writings as in this oration, 
so far as it respects my character, he is one of the most dangerous writers, 
and, perhaps, the most consummate villain, that walks on the face of God's 
earth. Ignorance of my real character, and of the grounds and reasons of 
my conduct in returning from the expedition to Canada, was no warrant 
for such indecent freedom as he has used in his malicious, though feeble 
attempt to ruin my reputation. He ought to have waited till a true and 
impartial history of the facts had enabled him to talk on the subject with 
propriety, and not have uttered things at random ; and, for the sake of 
furnishing matter for declamation, have undertook, with such violence, to 
blacken the character of an innocent man. Roger Enos. 

New London, May 31, 1776. 



64 Campaign against ^ebec^ ^77 S- 

Dead river, commenced. My station in the line of 
march, which was in the single file (or Indian, as it was 
then called), was next to the captain ; the drummer 
followed. Here it was his defect ot sight was most 
effectually shown. Smith was lithsome and quick afoot, 
as we all were, except poor ShaefFer. In the course of 
this toilsome march, without a path, many deep ravines 
presented, over these lay many logs, fallen perhaps many 
years before. The captain took the log, preferring it to 
a descent of twenty or thirty feet into the gulf below, 
which at times was quite abrupt. Following me, ShaefFer 
would frequently, drum and all, tumble headlong into the 
abyss. His misfortunes in this Way, for he was a laugh- 
ing stock, excited contempt in the soldiers, but in me 
compassion.' Often, he required my aid. On this 



' I cannot exactly recollect the time, but the records of government will 
show, that this miserable man was indicted of" a burglary and convicted. 
His respectable brother, Mr. Jacob Shaefter of Lancaster (Penn.), applied 
to me to certify in his favor [it was in 1780 or 1781] to the president 
and council, who had the power of pardon. The representation was, in 
substance similar to the present. This part of our transactions rests in my 
memory; but the impression is so strong, that I cannot forget it. It gave 
me great pleasure to imagine, that probably I might again contribute to 
the saving the life of a man, which I had actually saved once before. At 
that time, by our law, the punishment of burglary was death, and my com- 
patriot Shaeffer, was under that sentence. My soul was grieved. 

In a drunken bout at Philadelphia, he had blindly stumbled into a house, 
which he took to be his lodgings. Here detected in one of the chambers, 
he was charged as a felon. Gracious God ! upon the superfices of thy 
earth, there was never a more unoffending soul. He could scarcely see a 
yard before him. 

It has amused and pleased me often to hear that he extols me. He is 
now industrious. 

The fate of James Warner, among others, was really lamentable. 
He was young, handsome in appearance, not more than twenty-five 
years of age ; he was athletic and seemed to surpass in bodily strength. 
Yet withal he was a dolt. His wife was beautiful, though coarse in man- 
ners. The husband on the other hand, was a poor devil, constantly out 
of view, or in the background of the pictures. 

We heard nothing of them after entering the marsh, and until a month 
had elapsed at Quebec. In December, the wife or widow of poor James 
Warner, came to our quarters on the Low-grounds, bearing her husband's 



Campaign against ^ebec, 1775. ^5 

latter occasion, our kettle, boiling a bleary, which was 
no other than flour and water, and that without salt, my 
solicitations prevailing, the mess gave him a tin cup full 
of it. He received from me my third cake. This man, 
blind, starving and almost naked, bore his drum (which 
was unharmed by all its jostlings) safely to Quebec, when 
many other hale men died in the wilderness. 

November ist. This morning, breakfasting on our 
bleary, we took up the line of march through a flat 
and boggy ground. About ten o'clock a.m., we arrived 
by a narrow neck of land at a marsh which was appalling. 
It was three-fourths of a mile over, and covered by a 



rifle, his powder-horn and pouch. She appeared fresh and rosy as ever. 
This arose from the religious and gratuitous spirit of the Canadians. 

The story Mrs. Jemima Warner told, was extremely affecting, and may 
be worth remembering, as it is something like a sample of the whole of 
our distresses and intolerable disasters. 

The husband was a great eater. His stores of provisions after the par- 
tition, at the head of the Chaudiere, were in a little time consumed. The 
consummate wife ran back from the marsh, and found her beloved hus- 
band sitting at the foot of a tree, where he said he was determined to die. 

The tender-hearted woman attended her ill-fated husband several days, 
urging his march forward; he again sat down. Finding all her solicita- 
tions could not induce him to rise, she left him, having placed all the 
bread in her possession between his legs with a canteen of water. She 
bore his arms and ammunition to Quebec, where she recounted the story. 
The nephews of Natanis, afterwards at Quebec, confirmed the relation of 
this good woman. For when going up, and returning down the river with 
our inestimable friend M'Cleland, she urged them, suffused in tears, to take 
her husband on board. They were necessarily deaf to her entreaties. Thus 
perished this unfortunate man at a period of his age when the bodily powers 
are generally in their full perfection. He and many others, who died in 
the wilderness, lost their lives by an inconsiderate gluttony. They ate as 
much at a meal as ought to have been in our circumstances the provision 
of four days, and a march of one hundred miles. Young men without 
knowledge or previous experience are very difficult to govern by sage advice, 
when the rage of hunger assails. 

To conclude this lengthy note, allow me to introduce to you another 
instance of human misery, which came under my eye, in this dolorous and 
dreadful march. As was before observed in the body of the work " At the 
head of the Chaudiere, it was given out by the officers, that order would 
not be required from the soldiery in the march, etc." Yet the companies, 
being in the most part either fellow-townsmen, or from the same county, 
adhered together, bound by that affectionate attachment which is engen- 



66 Campaign against Quebec, 1775. 

coat of ice, hair an inch thick. Here Simpson concluded 
to halt a short time for the stragglers or maimed of Hen- 
dricks's and Smith's companies to come up. There 
were two women attached to those companies, who 
arrived before we commenced the march. One was 
the wife of Sergeant Grier, a large, virtuous and re- 
spectable woman. The other was the wife of a private 
of our company, a man who lagged upon every occasion, 
These women being arrived, it was presumed that all 
our party were up. We were on the point of entering 
the marsh, when some one cried out " Warner is not 
here." Another said he had ••' sat down sick under a 



dered by the locality of birth, or the habitudes of long and severe services, 
in a communion and endurance of hardships and desperate adventures. It 
appears to me to be a principle of the human mind, " that the more hard- 
ships we endure in company of each other, the greater becomes our esteem 
and affection for our fellow-sufferers." For myself, this is said from expe- 
rimented woe and extreme calamity. 

We had no path, the river was our guide. One day, either the second 
or third of this march, a mountain jutting in a most precipitate form into 
the river compelled us to pass the margin of the stream upon a long log, 
which had been brought thither by some former freshet. The bark and 
limbs of the tree had been worn away by the rubbings of the ice, and the 
trunk lay lengthwise along the narrow passage, smooth and slippery, and 
gorged the pass. This difficulty had collected here a heterogeneous mass of 
the troops, who claimed the right of passage according to the order of 
coming to it. The log was to be footed, or the water, of the depth of 
three or four feet, must be waded. There was no alternative. An eastern 
man, bare-footed, bare-headed, and thinly clad, lean and wretched from 
abstinence, with his musket in hand, passed the log immediately before me. 
His foot slipped, and he fell several feet into the water. We passed on re- 
gardless of hia fate. Even his immediate friends and comrades, many of 
,whom were on the log at the same moment, did not deign to lend him an 
assisting hand. Death stared us in the face. I gave him a sincere sigh at 
parting, for to lose my place in the file, might have been fatal. This piti- 
able being died in the wilderness. The hard fate of many others might be 
recapitulated, but the dreadful tale of incidents, if truly told, would merely 
serve to lacerate the heart of pity, and harrow up the feelings of the soul of 
benevolence. Tears many years since, have often wetted my cheeks, 
when recollecting the disasters of that unfortunate campaign, the memora- 
ble exit of my dearest friends, and of many worthy fellow-citizens, whose 
worth at this time, is embalmed solely in the breasts of their surviving as- 
sociates. Seven died sheerly from famine; and many others by disorder* 
arising from hard service in the wilderness. — Henry. 



Campaign against ^uebec^ ^775- ^7 

tree, a few miles back." His wife begging us to wait a 
short time, with tears of afFection in her eyes, ran back 
to her husband. We tarried an hour. They came not. 
Entering the pond (Simpson fi^remost), and breaking 
the ice here and there with the buts of our guns and feet, 
as occasion required, we were soon waist deep in the 
mud and water. As is generally the case with youths, 
it came to my mind, that a better path might be found 
than that of the more elderly guide. Attempting this, 
in a trice the water cooling my armpits, made me gladly 
return into the file. Now Mrs. Grier had got before 
me. My mind was humbled, yet astonished, at the 
exertions of this good woman Her clothes more than 
waist hia;h, she waded before me to the firm ground. 
No one, so long as she was known tu us, dared intimate 
a disrespectful idea of her. Her husband, who was an 
excellent soldier, was on duty in Hendricks's boat, which 
had proceeded to the discharge of the lake with Lieutenant 
M'Cleland. Arriving at firm ground, and waiting again 
for our companions, we then set off, and in a march of 
several miles, over a scrubby and flat plain, arrived at a 
river flowing from the east into the Chaud'ere lake. 
This we passed in a bateau, which the prudence of 
Colonel Arnold had stationed here, for our accommoda- 
tion i otherwise we must have swam the stream, which 
was wide and deep. In a short time we came to another 
river flowing from the same quarter, still deeper and 
wider than the former. Here we found a bateau, finder 
the superintendency of Capt. Dearborn, in which we 
passed the river. We skirted the river to its mouth, 
then passed along the margin of the lake to the outlet of 
Chaudiere, where we encamped with a heterogeneous 
mass of the army. It was soon perceived that the 
French term Chaudiere^ was most aptly applied to the 
river below us. Indeed every part of it, which came 
under our view, until we arrived at the first house in 
Canada, might well be termed a caldron or boiler, which 
is the import of its French name. It is remarkable of 



68 Campaign against ^ebec^ I775- 

this river, and which, to me, distinguishes it from all 
others I had seen, that for sixty or seventy miles it is a 
continued rapid, without any apparent gap or passage, 
even for a canoe. Every boat we put into the river was 
stove in one part or other of it. Capt. Morgan lost all 
his boats, and the life of a much valued soldier. With 
difficulty he saved his own lifeand the treasure committed 
to his care. Arnold, accompanied by Steele, and John 
M. Taylor, and a \tvj others, in a boat, were in the 
advance of the army. He may have descended in a 
boat, it is most likely he did.' 

November 2d, in the morning we set off from the 
Chaudiere lake, and hungered, as to my own particular, 
almost to death. What with the supplies to Shaeffer, 
and my own appetite, food of any kind, with me, had 
become a nonentity. My own sufferings, in the two 
succeeding marches, from particular causes, were more 
than ordinarily severe. My moccasins had, many days 
since, been worn to shreds and cast aside ; my shoes, 
though they had been well sewed and hitherto stuck to- 
gether, now began to give way, and that in the very 
worst part (the upright seam in the heel). For one to 
save his life, must keep his station in the rank. The 
moment that was lost, as nature and reason dictate, the 
following soldier assumed his place. Thus, once thrown 
out of the file, the unfortunate wretch must await the 
passage of many men, until a chasm, towards the rear, 
happened to open for his admission. This explanation 
will answer some questions which you might naturally 
put. Why did you not sew it .? Why did you not tie 
the shoe to your foot .'' If there had been awl, and thread, 
and strings at command, which there was not, for the 
causes above stated, one dared not have done cither, as 
the probable consequences would ensue *•' Death by 
hunger in a dreary wilderness," For man when thrown 



'June a6th, 1809. John M. Taylor tells me, that they descended by 
land. — Henry. 



Campaign against ^ebec^ ^77 S- ^9 

out of society is the most helpless of God's creatures. 
Hence you may form a conception of the intolerable 
labor of the march. Every step taken the heel of the 
foot slipped out of the shoe : to recover the position of 
the foot in the shoe, and at the same time to stride, vv^as 
hard labor, and exhausted my strength to an unbearable 
degree. You must remember that this march was not 
performed on the level surface of the parade, but over 
precipitous hills, deep gullies, and even without the path 
of the vagrant savage to guide us. Thus we proceeded 
till towards mid-day, the pale and meagre looks of my 
companions, tottering on their feeble limbs, correspond- 
ing with my own. My friend Simpson, who saw my 
enfeebled condition and the cause, prevailed with the 
men to rest themselves a few minutes. Bark, the only 
succedaneum for twine, or leather, in this miserable 
country, was immediately procured and the shoe bound 
tightly to the foot. Then marching hastily, in the 
course of an hour or more, we came within view of a 
tremendous cataract in the river, from twelve to twenty 
feet high. The horror this sight gave us, fearing for 
the safety of our friends in the boats, was aggravated, 
when turning the point of a steep crag, we met those 
very friends ; having lost all but their lives, sitting around 
a fire on the shore. Oh God ! what were our sensa- 
tions ! Poor M'Cleland, first lieutenant of Hendricks's, 
and for whose accommodation the boat was most par- 
ticularly carried across the mountain, was lying at the 
fire ; he beckoned to us. His voice was not audible ; 
placing my ear close to his lips, the word he uttered 
scarcely articulate, was, " Farewell." Simpson, who 
loved him, gave him half of the pittance of food which 
he still possessed ; all I could was — a tear. The short, 
but melancholy story of this gentleman, so far as it has 
come to my knowledge, may be detailed in a few words. 
He had resided on the Juniata at the time he was com- 
missioned. My knowledge of him commenced in the 
camp near Boston. He was endowed with all those 



70 Campaign against ^ebec, 1775. 

qualities which win the affections of men. Open, brave, 
sincere and a lover of truth. On the Dead river, the 
variable weather brought on a cold which affected his 
lungs. The tenderness of his friends conducted him 
safely, though much reduced, to the foot of the mountain, 
at the head of the Dead river. Hence he was borne in 
a litter across the mountain by men. If you had seen 
the young, yet venerable Capt. Hendricks bearing his 
share of this loved and patriotic burden across the plain 
to our camp, it would have raised esteem, if not affection, 
towards him. From our camp, M'Cleland was trans- 
ported, in the boat, to the place where we found him. 
The crew, conducting the boat, though worthy rnen and 
well acquainted with such kind of navigation, knew 
nothing of this river. They descended, unaware of the 
pitch before them, until they had got nearly into the 
suck of the falls. Here, luckily, a rock presented, on 
which it was so contrived as to cause the boat to lodge. 
Now the crew, with great labor and danger, bore their 
unfortunate lieutenant to the shore, where we found him. 
We passed on, fearful for our own lives. Coming to a 
long sandy beach of the Chaudiere, for we sometimes 
had such, some men of our company were observed to 
dart from the file, and with their nails, tear out of the 
sand, roots which they esteemed eatable, and ate them 
raw, even without washing. Languid and woe- begone 
as your father was, it could not but create a smile to 
observe the whole line watching, with Argus eyes, the 
motions of a few men who knew the indications in the 
sand of those roots. The knowing one sprung, half a 
dozen followed, he who grabbed it ate the root instantly. 
Though hunger urged, it was far from me to contend in 
that way with powerful men, such as those were. Strokes 
often occurred. 

During this day's march (about 10 or 11 a.m.) my shoe 
having given away again, we came to a fire, where were 
some of Captain Thayer or Topham's men. Simpson 
was in front ; trudging after, slipshod and tired, I sat 



Campaign against ^ebeCy 1775. 71 

down on the end of a long log, against which the fire 
was built, absolutely fainting with hunger and fatigue, 
my gun standing between my knees. Seating myself, 
that very act gave a cast to the kettle which was placed 
partly against the log, in such a way as to spill two- 
thirds of its contents. At the moment a large man 
sprung to his gun, and pointed it towards me, he threa- 
tened to shoot. It created no fear ; his life was with 
much more certainty in my power. Death would have 
been a welcome visitor. Simpson soon made us friends. 
Coming to their fire, they gave me a cup of their broth. 
A table spoonful was all that was tasted. It had a 
greenish .hue, and was said to be that of a bear. This 
was instantly known to be untrue, from the taste and 
smell. It was that of a dog. He was a large black 
Newfoundland dog, belonging to Thayer's^ and very fat. 
We left these merry fellows, for they were actually such, 
maugre all their wants, and marching quickly, towards 
evening encamped. We had a good fire, but no food. 
To me the world had lost its charms. Gladly would 
death have been received as an auspicious herald from 
the divinity. My privations in every way were such as 
to produce a willingness to die. Without food, without 
clothing to keep me warm, without money, and in a 
deep and devious wilderness, the idea occurred, and 
the means were in my hands, of ending existence. The 
God of all goodness inspired other thoughts. One princi- 
pal cause of change (under the fostering hand of Provi- 
dence) in my sentiments, was the jovial hilarity ot my 
friend Simpson. At night, warming our bodies at an 
immense fire, our compatriots joined promiscuously 
around — to animate the company, he would sing Plato ; 
his sonorous voice gave spirit to my heart, and the 
morality of the song, consolation to my mind. In truth 
the music, though not so correct as that of Handel, 



' Said to have belonged to Dearborn, afterwards Maj. Gen Henry 
Dearborn, of the United States army. — M. 



72 Campaign against ^ebec^ ^77 S- 

added strength and vigor to our nerves. This evening 
it was, that some of our companions, whose stomachs 
had not received food for the last fortj'-eight hours, 
adopted the notion that leather, though it had been 
manufactured, might be made palatable food, and would 
gratify the appetite. Observing their discourse, to me 
the experiment became a matter of curiosity. They 
washed their moccasins of moose-skin, in the first place, 
in the river, scraping away the dirt and sand, with great 
care. These were brought to the kettle and boiled a 
considerable time, under the vague but consolatory 
hope that a mucilage would take place. The boiling 
over, the poor fellows chewed the leather, but it was 
leather still ; not to be macerated. My teeth, though 
young and good, succeeded no better. Disconsolate and 
weary, we passed the night. 

November 3d. We arose early, hunger impelling, 
and marched rapidly. After noon, on a point on the 
bank of the river, some one pretended he descried the 
first house, ten miles off. Not long after another dis- 
cerned a boat coming towards us, and turning a point of 
land, presently all perceived cattle driving up the shore. 
These circumstances gave occasion to a feeble huzza 
of joy, from those who saw these cheerful and enlivening 
sights. We were now treading a wide and stony beach 
ot the river. Smith, our captain, who at this moment 
happened to be in company, elated with the prospect of 
a supply of food, in the joy of his heart, perhaps thought- 
lessly, said to me, "take this Henry." It was gladly 
received. Opening the paper, which had been neatly 
folded, there appeared a hand's breath and length of 
bacon-fat, of an inch thick ; thoughtlessly, it was eaten 
greedily, inattentive to all former rule, and thanks to 
God, did me no harm. Here it was that for the first 
time, Aaron Burr, a most amiable youth of twenty, 
came to my view. He then was a cadet. It will re- 
quire a most cogent evidence to convince my mind, 
that he ever intended anv ill to his country of late years, 



Campaign against ^ebec, 1775. 73 

by his various speculations. Though differing in politi- 
cal opinion from him, no reason has as yet been laid before 
me, to induce a belief that he was traitorous to his 
country. However, take this as the wayward ideas of a 
person totally excluded from a knowledge of the secrets 
of the cabinet ; who was somewhat attentive to its 
operations, so far as newspaper information can elucidate. 

We marched as hastily as our wearied and feeble 
limbs could admit, hoping soon to share in something 
like an abysinian feast. The curvatures of the river 
had deceived us in the calculation of distance. It was 
many hours ere we came to the place of slaughter. We 
found a fire, but no provision, except a small quantity 
of oaten meal, resembling in grit, our chopped rye. 
Simpson warmed some of this in water, and ate with 
gout. To me it was nauseous ; this may have been 
owing to the luncheon from Smith's hoard. The French 
men told us, that those who preceded, had devoured the 
very entrails of the cattle. One of the eastern men, as 
we came to the fire, was gorging the last bit of the colon, 
half rinsed, half broiled. It may be said, he ate with 
pleasure, as he tore it as a hungry dog would tear a 
haunch of meat. We soon encamped for the night, 
cheered by the hope of succor. 

November 4th. About two o'clock, p.m., we arrived 
at a large stream coming from the east, which we ran 
through, though more than m"id-deep. This was the 
most chilling bath we had hitherto received ; the weather 
was raw and cold. It u'as the 17th, and the harshest 
of my birthdays. Within a few hundred yards of the 
river, stood the first house in Canada ; we approached 
it in ecstacy, sure of being relieved from death by the 
means of famine. Many of our compatriots were un- 
aware of that death which arises from sudden repletion. 
The active spirit of Arnold, with such able assistants as 
John M. Taylor and Steele, had laid in a great stock of 
provisions. The men were furious, voracious, and insa- 
tiable. Three starvations had taught me wisdom. My 



74 Campaign against ^uebec^ '^11 S' 

friends took my advice. But, notwithstanding the irre- 
fragable arguments the officers used to insure modera- 
tion, the men were outrageous upon the subject ; they 
had no comprehension of such reasoning. A Pennsyl- 
vanian German of our company, a good and orderly 
soldier, who, from my affection towards him, I watched 
like another Doctor Pedro Positive ; yet all representa- 
tion and reasoning on my part, had no influence. Boiled 
beef, hot bread, potatoes, boiled and roasted, were gor- 
mandized without stint. He seemed to defy death, for 
the mere enjoyment of present gratification, and died 
two days after. Many of the men sickened. If not 
much mistaken, we lost three of our company by their 
imprudence on this occasion. The immediate extension 
of the stomach by food after a lengthy fast, operates a 
more sudden extinction of life, than the total absence of 
aliment. At this place we, for the first time, had the 
pleasure of seeing the worthy and respectable Indian, 
Natanis, and his brother Sabatis, with some others of 
their tribe, the Abenaquis. Lieutenant Steele told us 
that when he first arrived, Natanis came to him, in an 
abrupt but friendly manner, and gave him a cordial shake 
by the hand, intimating a previous personal knowledge 
of him. When we came, he approached Cunningham, 
Boyd, and myself, and shook hands in the way of an 
old acquaintance. We now learned from him, that on 
the evening when we first encamped on the Dead river 
(September 29th) in our first ascension, he lay within 
view of our camp, and so continued daily and nightly to 
attend our voyage, until the path presented which led 
directly into Canada. This he took ; to the question, 
" Why did you not speak to your friends ? He readily 
answered, and truly, " You would have killed me." 
This was most likely, as our prejudices against him had 
been most strongly excited, and we had no limit in our 
orders, as to this devoted person. He, his brother Saba- 
tis, and seventeen other Indians, the nephews and friends 
of Natanis, marched with us to Quebec. In the attack 



Campaign against ^ebec^ ^11 S' 75 

of that place, on the morning of the first of January 
following, Natanis received a musket ball through his 
wrist. He adopted a chirurgery which seemed extraor- 
dinary at the time, and quite new, but which now seems 
to me to be that of nature itself. He drew a pledget of 
linen quite through the wound, the ends of which hung 
down on each side of the arm. He was taken prisoner, 
but General Carleton discharged him immediately with 
strong tokens of commiseration. This is the first instance 
in the course of our revolutionary war, of the employ- 
ment of Indians in actual warfare against our enemies. 
To be sure it was the act of a junior commander, un- 
warranted, so far as has come to my knowledge, by the 
orders of his superiors ; yet it seemed to authorize, in a 
small degree, upon the part, of our opponents, that horri- 
ble system of aggression which in a short time ensued, 
and astonished and disgusted the civilized world. 

November 5th. Hunger, which neither knows go- 
vernance or restraint, being now gratified, we turned our 
attention towards our friends, who were still in the wil- 
derness. Smith and Simpson (for recollection does not 
serve to say how my friends Hendricks and Nichols 
were employed, but it was certainly in doing good), 
always active, procured two young Indians, nephews of 
Natanis, " Sweet fellows," as Simpson called them, to 
proceed on the following morning to the great fall, for 
the person of the invaluable M'Cleland. Before we 
started, it gave me pleasure to see these youths, excited 
by the reward obtained, pushing their birch-bark canoe 
against the strict current of the river. It seemed like 
an egg-shell to bound over the surface of the waves of 
every opposing ripple. To end at once this dolorous 
part of our story ; the young men, in despite of every 
impediment from the waters, and the solicitations of the 
starved wanderers in the rear, for food, hurried on to the 
fall, and on the evening of the third day, brought our 
dying friend to the first house. The following day he 
died, and his corpse received a due respect from the 



76 Campaign against Quebec ^ ^7' S- 

inhabitants of the vicinage. We were informed of this 
a month after. This real Catholicism towards the re- 
mains of one we loved, made a deep and wide breach 
upon my early prejudices, which since 'hat period has 
caused no regret ; but has induced a more extended and 
paternal view of mankind, unbounded by sect or opinion. 
November 6th. This morning we marched in strag- 
gling parties, through a flat and rich country, sprinkled, 
it might be said, decoraied, by many low houses, all 
white washed, which appeared to be the warm abodes 
of a contented people. Every now and then, a chapel 
came in sight ; but more frequently the rude, but pious 
imitations of the sufferings of our Savior, and the 
image of the virgin. These things created surprise, at 
least, in my, mind, for where I thought there could be 
little other than barbarity, we found civilized men, in a 
comfortable state, enjoying all the benefits arising from 
the institutions of civil society. The river, along which 
the road ran, in this day's march, became in the most 
part our guide. It now flowed in a deep and almost 
sightless current, where my opportunities gave me a 
view. Our abstemiousness was still adhered to. About 
noon of the next day, we arrived at the quarters of 
Arnold, a station he had taken for the purpose of halt- 
ing and embodying the whole of our emaciated and 
straggling troops. We were now perhaps thirty miles 
from point Levi ; which is on the St. Lawrence, and 
nearly opposite to Quebec. Now our mess had " friends 
at court." Arnold, since we left the twelve-mile carry- 
ing place, the last time, had, deservedly, taken Steele as 
a guide, into his mess ; and he had become a kind of 
aid-de-camp — he was, to say no more, a confidential 
n:\an. John M. Taylor, keen and bold as an Irish grey- 
hound, was of our company, being a readv penman and 
excellent accountant. He was at once exalted, by the 
shrewd and discerning eye of Arnold, to the offices of 
purveyor and commissary. We had no distinctions of 
office, scarcely any of rank, in those days. Our squad, 



Campaign against Quebec ^ ^77 S' 77 

in consequence, came boldly up to head-quarters, though 
we came not now into their presence. Steele, who was 
in waiting, pointed to the slaughterhouse, a hundred 
yards distant. Thither we went, determined to indulge. 
Here we found our friend Taylor, worried almost to 
death, in dealing out the sustenance of life to others. 
Without hyperbole or circumlocution, he gave us as 
many pounds of beef-steaks as we chose to carry. Pro- 
ceeding to the next house, a mile below, some one of 
the party became cook. Good bread and potatoes, with 
the accompaniment of beef steak, produced a savory 
meal. Believing myself out of danger from any extra- 
ordinary indulgence of appetite, the due quantity was 
exceeded, and yet, believe me, it was not more than an 
anchorite might religiously take. We soon became 
sensible of this act of imprudence. The march of the 
afternoon was a dull and heavy one. A fever attacked 
me. I became, according to my feelings, the most 
miserable of human beings. Determined not to lag be- 
hind, my eyes, at times, could scarcely discern the way, 
nor my legs do their office. We did not march far this 
afternoon. In this high latitude, a winter's day is very 
short and fleeting. The evening brought me no com- 
fort, though we slept warmly in a farm house. 

November 7th. The army now formed into more 
regular and compact order ; in the morning pretty 
early we proceeded. About noon my disorder had in- 
creased so intolerably, that I could not put a foot forward. 
Seating myself upon a log at the way side, the troops 
passed on. In the rear came Arnold on horseback. He 
knew my name and character, and, good naturedly, in- 
quired after my health. Being informed, he dismounted, 
ran down to the river side, and hailed the owner of the 
house, which stood opposite across the water. The 
good Canadian, in his canoe, quickly arrived. Deposit- 
ing my gun and accoutrements in the hands of one of our 
men, who attended upon me, and had been disarmed by 
losing his rifle in some one of the wreckings above, and 



7 8 Campaign against ^ebec, 1775. 

Arnold putting two silver dollars into my hands, the 
Frenchman carried me to his house. Going to bed with 
a high fever upon me I lay all this and the following day 
without tasting food. That had been the cause of the 
disease, its absence became the cure. 

November loth. The morning of the third day 
brought me health. The mistress of the house, who 
had been very attentive and kind, asked me to breakfast. 
This humble, but generous meal, consisted of a bowl of 
milk, for the guest, with excellent bread. The fare of 
the family was this same bread, garlic, and salt — I had 
observed, that this was the usual morning's diet, for I 
lay in the stove-room, where the family ate and slept. 
This worthy family was composed of seven persons ; 
the parents in the prime of life, and five charming, 
ruddy children, all neatly and warmly clothed in woolen, 
apparently of their own manufacture. You might 
suppose, from the manner of their living, that these 
persons were poor. No such thing. They were in 
good circumstances. Their house, barn, stabling, etc., 
were warm and comfortable, and their diet such as 
is universal among the French peasantry of Canada. 
Proffering my two dollars to this honest man, he rejected 
them with something like disdain in his countenance, 
intimating to me that he had merely obeyed the dictates 
of religion and humanity. Tears filled my eyes when I 
took my leave of these amiable people. But they had 
not even yet done enough for me. The father insisted 
on attending me to the ferry some miles off, where the 
river takes a turn almost due north, to meet the St. Law- 
rence. Here my worthy host procured me a passage 
scott free., observing to me my money might be required 
before the army could be overtaken. Landing on the 
north bank of the river, the way could not be mistaken, 
the track of the army had strongly marked the route. 
To me it was a most gloomy and solitary march. Not 
a soul was to be seen in the course of ten miles. Being 
without arms, and in an unknown country, my inconse- 



Campaign against ^ebec^ ^11 S- 79 

quence, and futileness lay heavy on my spirits. Here 
and there was a farm-house, but the inhabitants were 
either closely housed or absent from their homes. After- 
noon, arriving at the quarters of our company, my gun 
and accoutrements were reclaimed with ardor, and a 
solemn resolution never to part with them again, unless 
it happened by the compulsion of the foe. The house, 
which the company possessed, lay some hundreds of 
paces from head-quarters, but within view. Morgan's 
quarters were nearer. Where Hendricks made his lodg- 
ment is not now recollected, but it was at no great 
distance. 

November nth, on the following day, our guns in 
order, a scene opened, which then and now seems to me 
to have exhibited us in a disreputable point of view ; it 
evinced, at least, the necessity of a staid and sober con- 
duct of the officer, as well as a strict subordination and 
obedience of the private. A hurried and boisterous re- 
port came from head-quarters, that the British were 
landing to our left at a mill, about a mile ofF. Each one 
grasped his arms. Morgan and the Indians, who lay 
nearest to the commander's quarters, were foremost. 
The running was severe. The lagging Indians, and 
a variety of the three companies were intermingled. 
Coming to the brow of the precipice, but still unseen, 
we perceived a boat landing, which came from a frigate 
lying in the stream a mile below. The boat came 
ashore. A youth sprung from it. The tide ebbing, the 
boatswain thought it better to obtain a deeper landing- 
place, nearer the mill, and drew off. Morgan, appre- 
hensive of a discovery of our presence, fired at the boat's 
crew. A volley ensued without harm, probably because 
of the great space betweeen us. They pulled offshore, 
until beyond the range of our guns, leaving the midship- 
man to our mercy. The hapless youth, confounded, 
unknowing what to do, plunged into the river, hoping to 
regain his boat. His friends flying from him, he waded, 
he swam, yet could not reach the boat. At the distance, 



8o Campaigti against Quebec ^ ^11 S- 

perhaps ot one hundred and titty yards, nothing but his 
head above water, a shooting-match took place, and 
believe tne, the balls of Morgan, Simpson, Humphreys, 
and others, played around, and within a few inches of 
his head. Even after a lapse of thirty years, it gives me 
pain to recollect that my gun was discharged at him. 
Such, however, was the savage ferocity engendered, in 
those ungracious times, by a devolution ot the ministry 
of the mother-country from the true line of conduct 
towards her colonies. 

M'Kensie (the nanie of the young man), seeing that 
his boat's crew had deserted him, showed a desire to sur- 
render, bv appn^aching the shore. The tiring ceased. 
But a still more disgusting occurrence than the preced- 
ing, followed. The lad, coming towards the shore, 
evidently intendiisg to submit, Sabatis, the Indian, the 
brother of Natanis, sprung forward, scalping knife in 
hand, seemingly intending to end the strife at a single 
.blow. The humanity of Morgan and Humphreys, 
towards a succumbent foe, was excited. One or the 
other of them, it is not now recollected which, in par- 
ticular, by his agility and amazing powers ot body, was 
enabled to precede the Indian by several yards. This 
contest of athleticism was observed from the shore, where 
we were, with great interest. Morgan brought the boy 
(for he was really such), to land, and afterwards esteemed 
him, for he merited the good will of a hero. Wet and 
hungry, we returned to quarters. Running along the 
shore with our prey, the Hunter, sloop of war, having 
warped up for the purpose, pelted us all the way with 
ball and grape shot. It was no easy matter to ascend 
the bank, which was steep and craggy. Our prisoner 
was prudently loquacious, and very genteel. He had 
left the sloop, of which he was a midshipman, upon com- 
mand, to procure spars and oars, which lay in the mill. 
He had ordered otF the boat to procure a better landing, 
when our imprudent fire drove his people from him. He 
was the brother of Captain M'Kensie of the Pearl fri- 



Campaign against Quebec ^ I775' <^i 

gate. In i']']']^ the young M'Kensie was again taken. 
I saw him at Lancaster (Pennsylvania), active, lively, 
and facetious as ever. During our stay at Point Levi, 
Colonel Arnold was busily engaged. Being now dis- 
covered, it became us to pass the St. Lawrence as soon 
as possible. The main difficulty consisted in the pro- 
curement of boats or canoes. Those kinds of craft on 
this part of the river had, previously to our arrival, been 
secured by the vigilance of government, which it is 
likely had some intimation of an inroad in the direction 
we came. Twenty-five canoes, chiefly of birch bark, 
were with difficulty procured. The command or these 
was conferred upon Lieutenant Steele, who selected the 
steersmen, of whom it came to me to be one. The 
passage, if practicable, must be made in the night, and 
that in the most silent manner, at a time the tide served. 
Between the hours of ten and eleven o'clock, on the 
night of the 13th of November, the troops paraded on 
the beach, near the mill before mentioned, without noise 
or bustle. One cargo was despatched — then a second : 
upon making the traverse a third time, an accident 
happened to my friend Steele, which you can scarcely 
credit. Being at a considerable distance behind with his 
canoe, I could not, at its occurring, observe the trans- 
action, nor share in the danger, though my life would 
have been willingly risked for his, and yet the relation of 
this fact is most unquestionably true. These frequent 
asseverations may appear somewhat awkward, and to 
blur the detail of our story ; but our sufferings were so 
extraordinary in their kinds, and so aggravated by the 
nature of the severe services we underwent, that now-a- 
days it will require a faith almost approaching to credulity, 
to convince the mind of their truth. Steele steered a 
birch-bark canoe, the weight, and it is likely the awkward- 
ness of the men, when about the middle of the river 
(which at this place is fully two miles wide), burst the 
canoe. The men who were in it, swam to, or were 
taken up, by the canoes nearest to them. It was other- 



82 Campaign against Quebec ^ ^775- 

wise with Steele. He was the last to get to a canoe 
under the management of the worthy Wheeler : but it 
was full of men. There could be no admittance. The 
steersman advised, and Steele was compelled from neces- 
sity, to throw his arms over the stern — Wheeler, seating 
himself upon them, so as to hold him securely, for it 
was a bleak and numbing night. Thus, in this manner 
was this worthy and adventurous officer floated to the 
shore at Wolf's cove. Here there was an uninhabited 
house. A fire had been lighted in it, by some of our 
people, who first landed. It became a pole-star to us in 
the rear, we steered for it. Landing about half an hour 
after Steele, we found him at the fire, seemingly chilled 
to the heart ; but he was a man not to be dispirited by 
slight matters. Friction soon restored him to his usual 
animation. The moon, now about three o'clock, shone 
brightly, and the tide run out rapidly, so that the passing 
of the rest of the troops, about one hundred and fifty in 
number, this night was given up. This circumstance, 
of the absence of so large a part of our force, was known 
but to few. They joined us on the following night. It 
had been the intention of our chief to storm the town 
this night ; but the deficiency of our scaling ladders, 
many of which were left beyond the river, now repressed 
that design. 

November 14th. The troops easily ascended the hill, 
by a good road cut in it slantingly. This was not the 
case in 1759, when the immortal Wolf mounted here, 
it was then a steep declivity, enfiladed by a host of 
savages, but was surmounted by the eager and gallant 
spirit of our nation. 

November 15th. Arriving on the brow of the pre- 
cipice, we found ourselves on the plains of Abraham, so 
deservedly famous in story. The morning was cold, 
and we were thinly clad. While an adventurous party 
despatched by Arnold, under the command of one of 
Morgan's lieutenants, were examining the walls of the 
city, we were pacing the plains to and fro, in silence, 



Campaign against ^ebec^ ^11 S' ^3 

to keep ourselves warm. The winter had set in — a 
cold north-wester blew, with uncommon keenness. By 
the time the reconnoitering party returned, daylight was 
not very distant. The party found every thing towards 
the city, in a state of perfect quietness. This report 
was delivered^ in my presence^ to Morgan^ however the 
contrary may have been represented since. Not even 
the cry of " All's well," was uttered, was a part of their 
report, yet we heard that cry from the walls, even where 
we were -, but this in a direct line, was nearer to us than 
the voices opposite to the party. This was the happy 
moment, but with our small and disjointed force, what 
could be done ? There was scarcely more than three 
hundred and fifty men, willing and determined to be 
sure, but too few to assail a fortress, such as Quebec is. 
If that had been known this night, which was evidenced 
in a few days by the fugitives from the city, Arnold 
would most assuredly have hazarded an attack. St. 
John's gate, which opens on Abraham's plains, and is a 
most important station, was unbarred, nay, unclosed: 
nothing but a single cannon under the care of a drowsy 
watch, was there as a defence ; we were not a mile 
distant, and might have entered unknown, and even 
unseen. These are uncertain opinions, resting on the 
vague reports of the moment, which might have been 
true, or untrue. Mv memory is, however, fresh in the 
recollection of the heart-burnings this failure caused 
among us. Providence, for wise purposes, would have 
it otherwise. Near daylight, requiring rest and refresh- 
ment, the troops moved a mile, to a farm-house of 
Lieutenant Governor Caldwell's. This was a great pile 
of wooden buildings, with numerous outhouses, which 
testified the agricultural spirit and taste of the owner. 
He, good soul, was then snug in Quebec. Those who 
carne first, fared well, and as luck would have it, we 
were of the number: all within and without the house, 
became a prey. Adversity had destroyed in our minds, 
every decorous or delicate sensation. Guards were 



84 Campaign against ^ebec^ ^77 S- 

stationed next the city. Wrapped in my blanket, fear- 
less of events, casting my person on the floor of an ele- 
gant parlor, I slept sweetly and soundly, till two in the 
afternoon, and then was roused solely by a cry, that the 
enemy was advancing. We flew to arms, and rather in 
a hurried manner run towards the city, which was nearly 
two miles from us. We saw no enemy. It turned out 
that a Mr. Ogden, a cadet from Jersey, a large and 
handsome young man in favor with Arnold, had been 
authorized to place the sentinels that day. He did place 
them, most stupidly. George Merchant, of Morgan's, 
a man who would at any time, give him fair play, have 
sold his life dearly, he stationed in a thicket, within view 
of the enemy ; at the time of placing him, when at his 
post, he was out of sight of the garrison ; but the mis- 
chief was (though he could not be seen), he could see 
no one approach ,- he was taken absolutely unaware of 
danger. A sergeant of the seventh, who, from the 
manner of the thing, must have been clever, accom- 
panied by a few privates, slily creeping through the 
streets of the suburbs of St. John, and then undercover 
of the bushes, sprung upon the devoted Merchant, even 
before he had time to cock his rifle. Merchant was a 
tall and handsome Virginian. In a few days, he, hunt- 
ing shirt and all, was sent to England, probably as a 
finished specimen of the riflemen of the colonies. The 
government there very liberally, sent him home in the 
following year. 

The capture of Merchant grieved us, and brought us 
within a {^^n hundred yards of the city. Arnold had the 
boldness, you might say the audacity, or still more cor- 
rectly, the folly, to draiv us up in a line, in front and 
opposite to the wall of the city. The parapet was lined 
by hundreds of gaping citizens and soldiers, whom our 
guns could not harm, because of the distance. They 
gave us a huzza ! We returned it, and remained a con- 
siderable time huzzaing, and spending our powder against 
the walls, for we harmed no one. Some of our men to 



Campaign against ^ebec^ i775- ^c 

the right, under the cover of something like ancient 
ditches and hillocks, crept forward within two hundred 
yards of the works, but their firing was disregarded by 
the enemy as farcical. Febiger, who was a real and 
well instructed soldier, and engineer, did advance singly 
within a hundred paces, and pored with the eye of an 
adept. During all this, as my station in the line hap- 
pened to be on a mound, a few feet higher than the com- 
mon level of the plain, it was perceptible through the e-n- 
brasures that there was a vast bustle within. J/j some 
mmutes a thirty-six pounder was let loose uPon us ; but 
so ill was the gun pointed, that the bal,' fell short or 
passed high over our heads. An-riier, and another 
succeeded — to these salutes,^v^- -gave them all we could, 
another and another huzz,^, i, f^^^, be confessed, that 

tnis ridiculous afFai-i> . .ui • ■ c 

A 1 , ^T-. . -TIP gave me a contemptible opinion ot 
Arnold. This r- ■ l • \ m\ 

r> ,. -i.eotion was by no means singular. Morgan, 

^ -Jfd other officers, who had seen service, did 

•ic-sitate to speak of it in that point of view. How- 
evcu ... 

^ -T, Arnold had a vain desire to gratify, of which we 

T^ere then ignorant. He was well known at Quebec, 
^Formerly, he had traded from this port to the West 
Indies, most particularly in the article of horses. Hence, 
he was despised bv the principal people. The epithet 
Horse jockey was freely and universally bestowed upon 
him, by the British. Having now obtained power, he 
became anxious to display it in the faces of those, who 
had tormerly despised and contemned him. The vener- 
able Carleton, an Irishman of a most amiable and mild 
character. Colonel Alaclean, a Scotchman, old in war- 
fare, would not, in any shape, communicate with him. 
If Adontgomerv had originally been our commander, 
matters might have been more civilly conducted. This 
particularity in relating a most trivial and disgusting 
occurrence, arises from a desire to set before you a cau- 
tionary rule, which it will be prudent for you to observe 
in your historical reading. " Do not believe an author, 
unless the story he relates be probable, accompanied by 



86 Campaign against ^ebec, ^775- 

such circumstances as might reasonably attend the trans- 
action, unless he is corroborated by others, who speak 
on that subject." Many of our wisest men, within the 
colonies, wrote and spoke of this bravading, as a matter 
of moment, and with muuh applause. Even some of 
our historians (Gordon), have given it celebrity. But a 
more silly and boastful British historian (Amwell), says 
there was a dreadful cannonade, by which many of the 
•lebels were destroyed. The truth is, that this day not 
a Qf^},^ of blood was shed, but that of Governor Cald- 
well's horned cattle, hogs and poultry, which run plenti- 
fullv. After this victory in huzzaing, which was boys' 
play, and suited H^^ to a hair, we returned to quarters to 
partake of the good thi'.Jgs of this world. 

November 15, the next ^^y-> ^ scene of a different 
kind opened, which let us into"^*^^ ^^"^ character of 
Arnold. In the wilderness, the mer^^'^^^^ ^^^'- stinted 
to a pint of flout by the day. This scanty'^)^'"^^"^^ °* 
flour had been continued since we had come" iil'^, ^^^^ 
plentiful country. Morgan, Hendricks and i^"^}^ 
waited upon the commander in chief, to represent f 
grievance and obtain redress. Altercation and warm larf" 
guage took place. Smith, with his usual loquacity, told) 
us that Morgan seemed, at one time, upon the point of\ 
striking Arnold. We fared the better for this interview. 

November 16, on the following day, the rifle com- 
panies removed further from the city. About half a 
mile from Caldwell's house, our company obtained ex- 
cellent quarters, in the house of a French gentleman, 
who seemed wealthy. He was pleasing in his manners, 
but the rudeness our ungovernable men exhibited, created 
in him an apparent disgust towards us. Here we re- 
mained near a week. During that time, we had con- 
stant and severe duty to perform. There was a large 
building on the low grounds, near the river St. Charles, 
which was occupied by a most respectable society of 
ladies as a nunnery. In the front of this house, at the 
distance of fifty yards, there was a spacious log building, ^ 



Campaign against ^ebec, 1775. 87 

which seemed to be a school house, occupied by the 
priesthood attendant on the nunnery. This house we 
took possession of, as a guard-house, under an idea, as 
it stood directly between the town, and the nunnery, 
which contained some precious deposits, that they had not 
had time to remove, that the enemy would not fire in 
this direction. The conjecture was just. 

November 16. In the afternoon a distressing occur- 
rence took place here, notwithstanding our vicinity to 
this holy place. Towards the evening the guard was 
relieved. Lieut. Simpson commanded it. This guard 
was composed of two-and -twenty fine fellows, of our 
company. When the relief guard came, a Frenchman, 
of a most villainous appearance, both as tr, person and 
visage, came to our lieutenant, with a written order 
^rom Colonel Arnold, commanding him to accom- 
pany the bearer, who would be our guide across 
the river St. Charles, to obtain some cattle feeding 
beyond it, on the account of government. The order 
in the first instance, because of its preposterousness, 
was doubted, but, upon a little reflection, obeyed. 
Knowing the danger, our worthy lieutenant also knew 
the best and only means of executing the enterprise. 
The call "•come on lads," was uttered. We ran with 
speed from the guard-house some hundreds of yards, over 
the plain to the mouth of the St. Charles, where the 
ferry is. Near the ferry there was a large wind- mill, 
and near it stood a small house resembling a cooper's 
shop. Two carts of a large size were passing the ferry 
heavily laden with the household-stuff^, and women and 
children of the townsmen flying from the suburbs of St. 
Roque, contiguous tu palace-gate, to avoid the terrible 
and fatal eff^ects of war. The carts were already in a 
large scow, or flat-bottomed boat, and the ferrymen, 
seeing us coming, were tugging hard at the ferry-rope, 
to get off the boat, which was aground, before we should 
arrive. It was no small matter, in exertion, to outdo 
people of our agility. Simpson, with his usual good 



88 Campaign against ^ebec^ ^11 S- 

humor, urged the race, from a hope that the garrison 
would not fire upon us, when in the boat with their fly- 
ing townsmen. The weight of our bodies and arms put 
the boat aground in good earnest. Simpson vociferously 
urging the men to free the boat, directing them to place 
their guns in my arms, standing on the bow. He ordered 
me to watch the flashes of the cannon ^ of the city near 
palace gate. Jumping into the water mid-deep, all but 
Sergeant Dixon and myself, they were pushing, pulling, 
and with handspikes attempting to float the scow. One 
of the carts stood between Dixon and mvselt — he was 
tugging at the ferry rope. Presently a shot was called, 
it went wide of the boat, its mark. The exertions of 
the party were redoubled. Keeping an eve upon the 
town, the sun about setting, in a clear skv, the view was 
beautiful indeed, but somewhat terrific. Battlements 
like these had been unknown to me. Our boat lay like 
a rock in the water, and was a target at point blank shot, 
about three-fourths of a mile from palace gate, which 
issues into St. Roque. I would have adored all the saints 
in the calendar, if honor and their worships would have 
permitted the transpo'iation of my person a \'g^w perches 
from the spot where it then stood, by the austere com- 
mand of duty. It was plainly observable that many 
persons were engaged in preparing the guns for another 
discharge. Our brave men were straining every nerve 
to obtain success. " A shot," was all that could be 
said, when a thirty-six pound ball, touching the lower 
edge of the nob of the cart-wheel, descending a little, 
toc^k the leg of my patriotic friend below the knee, and 
carried away the bones of that part entirely. " Oh ! 
Simpson,'"' he cried, " I am gone." Simpson, whose 
heart was tender and kind, leaped into the boat : calling 
to the men, the person of Dixon was borne to the wind- 



' This was i ridiculous practice, universally adopted in the camp near 
Boston, and was now pursued at this place. It is merely designative of the 
raw soldier. Such indications of fear should now a-days be severely repri- 
manded. — Henry. 



Campaign against ^ebec, ijj^. 89 

mill. Now a roar of triumph was heard from the city, 
accompanied by some tolerably well directed shots. The 
unfortunate was borne at a slow and solemn pace to the 
guard-house, the enemy, every now and then, sending 
us his majesty's compliments, in the shape of a twenty- 
four or thirty-six pound ball. When the procession came 
into a line with the town, the guard-house and nunnery, 
the firing ceased. At the time we were most busily en- 
gaged with Dixon, at the windmill, the vile Frenchman, 
aghast and horror stricken, fled from us to the city. If 
his desertion had been noticed in time, his fate had been 
sealed, but the rascal was unobserved till he had run 
several hundred yards along the beach of the bay of St. 
Charles. He turned out to be a spy, purposely sent by 
government to decoy and entrap us, and he succeeded 
but too easily with the vigilant Arnold. Dixon was now 
carried on a litter to the house of an English gentleman, 
about a mile ofF. An amputation took place — a tetanus 
followed, which, about nine o'clock of the ensuing day, 
ended in the dissolution of this honorable citizen and 
soldier. There are many reasons for detailing this affair 
so minutely to you. Among these are, to impress upon 
your minds an idea of the manners and spirit of those 
times : our means and rude methods of warfare : but 
more particularly for the purpose of introducing to your 
observation an anecdote of Dixon, which is characteristic 
of the ideas and feelings then entertained by the gene- 
rality of his countrymen. Before we left our native 
homes, tea had, as it were, become an abomination even 
to the ladies. The taxation of it by the parliament of 
England, with design to draw from us a trifling revenue, 
was made the pretence with the great body of the peo;)le, 
for our opposition to government. The true ground, 
however, with the politically wise, was, that that law 
annihilated our rights as Englishmen. It is an axiom of 
the common law of our glorious ancestors, that taxation 
and representation must go hand in hand. This rule 
was now violated. Hence it was, that no one, male or 



90 Campaign against Quebec ^ ^11 S' 

female, knowing their rights, if possessed of the least 
spark of patriotism, would deign to taste of that delight- 
ful beverage. The lady of the house, though not one 
who approved of our principles of action, was very at- 
tentive to our wounded companion : she presented him 
a bowl of tea ; " No madam," said he, "it is the ruin 
of my country." 

November ? 7th, uttering this noble sentiment, this 
invaluable citizen died, sincerely lamented by every one 
who had the opportunity of knowing his virtues. Dixon 
was a gentleman of good property and education, though 
n> more than the first sergeant of our company. His 
estate lay in West Hanover township, in the county of 
Lancaster (now in Daufhin). He was an agriculturist, 
which, in the vagueness and uncertainty of our language, 
is called a farmer. In fact he was a freeholder, the pos- 
sessor of an excellent tract of land, accompanied by all 
those agreeables which render the cultivator of the earth, 
in Pennsylvania, the most independent, and, with pru- 
dent economy, the most happv of human beings. The 
following morning, Simpson was the first to give me an 
account of Dixon's death, which affected us much ; his 
corpse received the usual military honors. Duty com- 
pelled my absence elsewhere. The blood of Dixon was 
the first oblation made upon the altar of Liberty at Que- 
bec, and iMerchant was the first prisoner. The latter 
was a brave and determined soldier, fitted for subordinate 
station ; the former was intuitively a captain. The city 
and vicinity occupied the attention of the commander 
nearly a week, 

November iSth. Not being fully in the secret, it 
does not become me to recount the causes of our retreat 
to Point Aux Tremble. We did, however, make this 
retrograde movement, rather in a slovenly style, accom- 
panied, probably, by the maledictions of the clergy and 
nobility, but attended by the regrets of a host of well- 
wishers among the peasantry. Point Aux Tremble is at 
the distance of twenty, or more, miles from Quebec. 



Campaign against ^ebec, 1775. 91 

The route thither, though in a severe winter, was in- 
teresting. The woods were leafless, except as to those 
trees o\ the fir-kind ; but numerous neat and handsomely 
situated farm houses and many beautiful landscapes were 
presented, and enlivened our march along this majestic 
stream. At Detroit, which is supposed to be little short 
of nine hundred miles from Quebec — even there, it is 
no contemptible river, but here fhe inimer.se volume of 
its waters, strikes the mind of the stranger with astonish- 
ment and rapture. Our Susquehanna, which, from its 
grandeur, attracts the European eye, stands in a low 
grade when compared with the St. Lawrence. Ascend- 
ing the river at a distance of ten or fifteen miles, we ob- 
sei ved the rapid passage, down stream, of a boat, and 
soon afterwards of a ship, one or other of which con 
tained the person of Sir Guy Carleton. That it was the 
governor of the province, flying from Montgomery, who 
had by this time captured Montreal, we were informed 
by a special kind of messenger, which was no other than 
the report of the cannon, by way ot feu-de joie, upon 
his arrival at the capital. Water, in regard to the com- 
munication of sound, is nearly as good a conductor as 
metals are, for the transmission of the electric fluid. 
Though near to the place of our destination, we could 
mark with precision the report of every gun. Point 
Aux Tremble, at this time, had assumed the appearance 
of a straggling village. There was a spacious chapel, 
where the ceremonies of the Roman Catholic religion 
were performed, with a pomp not seen in our churches 
but by a fervency and zeal apparently very pious, which 
became a severe and additional stroke at early prejudices. 
Quarters were obtained in the village and farm houses, 
dispersed over a space of some miles, up and down the 
river. We enjoyed as much comfort as tight houses, 
warm fires, and our scantiness of clothing would admit. 
Provisions were in plenty, and particularly beef, which, 
though small in bulk, was of an excellent flavor. Being 
in a few days, as it were, domesticated in a respectable 



go. Campaign against ^ebec^ ^11 S- 

farmer's house, we now had leisure to observe the 
economy of the family. Every crevice through which 
cold air could penetrate, was carefully pasted with strips 
of paper of every color. To permit the cold air to in- 
trude is not the only evil which results ; but the smallest 
interstice with the air, also admits an almost impalpable 
snow, which is very inconvenient, particularly at night, 
when the winds blow most sharply. A stove of iron 
stood a small space from the wall of the kitchen chimney, 
but in such a way that it might be encompassed by the 
family or the guests. This stove was kept continually 
hot both by day and by night. Over the stove there is a 
rack so constructed as to serve for the drying of wet 
clothes, moccasins, etc., etc. When these people slaughter 
their beasts for winter use, they cut up the meat into small 
pieces, such as a half pound, two pounds, etc., according 
to the number of tlie family. In the evening before 
bedtime, the females of the house prepare the dinner of 
the following day. It may be particularly described, as 
it was done in our view for a number of days together, 
and during the time was never varied. This was the 
manner : a piece of pork or beef, or a portion of each 
kind, together with a sufficiency of cabbage, potatoes 
and turnips, seasoned with salt, and an adequate quantity 
of water, were put into a neat tin kettle with a close 
lid. The kettle thus replenished, was placed on the 
stove in the room where we all slept, and there it sim- 
mered till the time of rising, when it was taken to a 
small fire in the kitchen, where a stewing continued till 
near noon, when they dined. The contents were turned 
into a large basin. Each person had a plate, no knife 
was used, except one to cut the bread, but a five or six 
pronged fork answered the purposes of a spoon. The 
meat required no cutting, as it was reduced to a mucilage, 
or at least to shreds. This, you may say, is (rifling in- 
formation, and unworthy of vour notice ; according to 
my mind, it is important to all of us, to know the habits, 
manners, and means of existence of that class of society, 



Campaign against ^ebec^ ^77 5- 93 

which, in all nations, composes the bulk and strength of 
the body politic. Our dinner followed in a few hours. 
The manner of our cookery excited astonishment in our 
hosts. As much beef was consumed at a single meal, 
as would have served this family for a week. Remember, 
however, that the mess consisted of persons who were 
entitled to double and treble rations. Two rosy-cheeked 
daughters of the house, soon contrived the means and 
obtained the surplus. This circumstance, most proba- 
bly, made us agreeable to the family, for we had nothing 
else to bestow. The snow had now fallen in abundance, 
and enlivened the country. Sleighs and sleds were pass- 
ing in every direction. The farmers began to supply 
themselves with a full stock of winter's fuel from the 
forest, No fowls were visible about the house ; a few 
were kept alive for breeding in the ensuing summer, in 
a close and warm coop in the upper story of the barn. 
The rest of the fowls, intended for the market or winter's 
use, had been slaughtered, early in autumn, at setting 
in of the frost, and were hung up in the feathers in the 
garret. Thence they were taken as wanted. Towards 
March they become unsavory, but in no way tainted. 
We became acquainted with this kind of economy, but 
upon a much larger scale afterwards, when in a state of 
affliction and sorrow. The roads in this part of Canada 
are kept in excellent order. The corvee of European 
France is maintained by the government in full effect, 
as to its principles, but far less rigid in its practice. 
The roads in low grounds, were ditched on the sides 
and curved towards the centre. Every forty or fifty 
yards on each side of the road, throughout the extent of 
it, young pines were stuck in the ground, to mark the 
central and safest passage. It is a law, that the land- 
holder, whenever a snow falls, whether by day or night, 
when it ceases, shall with his horses and cariole, retrace 
the road, formed on the preceding snow, throughout the 
extent of his grounds. This is a laborious duty, but it was 
discernible that it was performed with punctuality, if 



94 Campaign against ^ebec^ ^77 S- 

not pleasure. In December, January and February, 
when the snow lays from three to five feet deep over the 
surface, there is no traveling in this country, but by ways 
thus formed, or upon snow shoes. 

December i. General Montgomery, who was 
anxiously expected, arrived. Arnold's corps was 
paraded in the front of the chapel. It was lowering and 
cold, but the appearance of the general here, gave us 
warmth and animation. He was well limbed, tall and 
handsome, though his face was much pockmarked. His 
air and manner designated the real soldier. He made 
us a shorty but energetic aiid elegant speech, the burden 
of which was, an applause of our spirit in passing the 
wilderness ; a hope our perseverance in that spirit would 
continue ; and a promise of warm clothing ; the latter 
was a most comfortable assurance. A few huzzas from 
our freezing bodies were returned to this address of the 
gallant hero. Now new life was infused into the whole 
of the corps. 

December 2d. ^ he next day we retraced the route 
from Quebec. A snow had fallen during the night, and 
continued falling. To march on this snow, was a most 
fatiguing business. By this time, we had generally 
furnished ourselves with seal-skin moccasins, which 
are large, and, according to the usage of the country, 
stuffed with hay or leaves, to keep the feet dry and 
warm. Every step taken in the dry snow, the moccasin 
having no raised heel to support the position of the foot, 
it slipped back, ai^.d thus produced great weariness. On 
this march the use of the snow-shoe was very obvious, 
but we were destitute of that article. The evening 
brought up the riflemen at an extensive house, in the 
parish of St. Foix, about three miles from Quebec. It 
was inhabited by tenants. We took possession of a 
front parlor on the left, Morgan one upon the right, 
Hendricks, a back apartment, and the soldiery in the 
upper parts of the house, and some warm out-buildings. 

December 3d. Morgan, not finding himself comforta- 



Campaign against ^ebec, 1775. 95 

ble, moved a short space nearer to the city. Here, in 
low and pretty country houses, he and his men were 
neatly accommodated. It seemed to me, that the Cana- 
dians in the vicinage of Quebec lived as comfortably, 
in general, as the generality of the Pennsylvanians did, 
at that time, in the county of Lancaster. It may readily 
occur to you, that some restriction ought to cramp this 
latitude of expression ; take it, however, as a description 
of our sensations, entertained in our minds by the con- 
veniences we now enjoyed, in opposition to our late 
privations. We had just arrived from a dreary anil in- 
hospitable wild, half-starved and thinly clothed, in aland 
of plenty, where we had full rations and warm quarters, 
consequently, our present feelings contrasted with former 
sufFeiings, might have appreciated in too high a degree, 
the happineb.s of the Canadian. What is now said, 
ought not to be taken in anywise as an allusion to the 
political rights, but be confined solely to the appareni; 
prosperity and economy of families 

December 12th. We remained about ten days at 
these quarters. The tours of duty, to Arnold's party, 
were peculiarly severe. The officers and men still wore 
nothing else than the remains of the summer clothing, 
which, being on their back, had escaped destruction in 
the disasters of the wilderness. The snow lay three feet 
deep over the face of the whole country, and there was 
an addition to it almost daily. Many impediments 
occurred, to delay the transportation of the clothing, 
which General Montgomery had procured for us at 
Montreal. Our miserable state, contrary to our prin- 
ciples, excited an illicit desire to be apparreled more 
comfortably. This desire would probably have lain dor- 
mant, but for a scoundrel Canadian, who in all likelihood 
was an enemy of Lieutenant Governor Cromie's. One 
morning having returned from a cold night's duty, near 
palace gate, the fellow addressed Simpson, who was the 
only officer in quarters, and communicated the informa- 
tion : " That about two miles up the St. Lawrence, lay 



96 Campaign against Quebec ^ ^11 S' 

a country seat of Governor Cromie's, stocked with many 
things we wanted, and he would be our guide." Ca- 
rioles were immediately procured. The house, a neat 
box, was romantically situated on the steep bank of the 
river, not very distant from a chapel. Though in the 
midst of winter, the spot displayed the elegant taste and 
abundant wealth of the owner. It must be a most de- 
lightful summer residence, in the months of July and 
August, when the heat of this northern climate seems 
greater to sensation, than that of our country, in the 
same season. The house was closed ; knocking, the 
hall door was opened to us by an Irishwoman, who, of 
the fair sex, was the largest and most brawny that ever 
came under my notice. She was the stewardess of the 
house. Our questions were answered with an apparent 
affability and frankness. She introduced us into the 
kitchen, a large apartment, well filled with those articles 
which good livers think necessary to the happy enjoy- 
ment of life. Here we observed five or six Canadian 
servants, huddled into a corner of the kitchen, trembling 
with fear. Our prying eyes soon discovered a trap- 
door leading into the cellar. In the country houses of 
Canada, because of the frigidity of the climate, the cel- 
lars are usually under a warm room, and are principally in- 
tended for the preservation of vegetables. The cavity 
in this instance, abounded with a great variety of eata- 
bles, of which we were not in the immediate want. 
The men entered it. Firkin after firkin of butter, lard, 
tallow, beef, pork, fresh and salt, all became a prey. 
While the men were rummaging below, the lieutenant 
descended to cause more despatch. Mv duty was to 
remain at the end of the trap door, with my back to the 
wall, and rifle cocked, as a sentry, keeping a strict eye 
on the servants. Mv good Irishwoman frequently 
beckoned to me to descend ; her drift was to catch us all 
in the trap. Luckily she was comprehended. The 
cellar and kitchen being thoroughly gutted, and the spoil 
borne to the carriages, the party dispersed into other 



Campaign against ^ebec, ^775- 97 

apartments. Here was elegancy. The walls and par- 
titions were beautifully papered and decorated, with 
large engravings, maps, etc., etc., of the most celebrated 
artists. A noble view of the city of Philadelphia, upon 
a large scale, taken from the neighborhood ot Cooper's 
ferry, drew my attention, and raised some compunctive 
ideas ; but war and the sciences always stand at arms 
length in the contests of mankind. The latter must 
succumb in the tumult. Our attention was much more 
attracted by the costlv feather beds, counterpanes, and 
charming rose-blankets, which the house afforded. Of 
these there was good store, and we left not a jot behind 
us. The nooks and crevices in the carioles were filled 
with smaller articles ; several dozens of admirably 
finished case-knives and forks ; even a set of desert knives 
obtained the notice of our cupidity. Articles of lesser 
moment, not a thousandth part so useful, did not escape 
the all-grasping hands of the soldiery. In a back apart- 
ment there stood a mahogany couch, or settee in a 
highly finished style. The woodwork of the couch was 
raised on all sides by cushioning, and lastly, covered by 
a rich figured silk. This to us was lumber, besides our 
carioles were full. However, we grabbled the mattrass 
and pallets, all equally elegant as the couch. Having, as 
we thought, divested his excellency of all the articles of 
prime necessity, we departed, ostensibly and even audibly 
accompanied by the pious blessings of the stewardess 
for our moderation. No doubt she had her mental re- 
servations ; on such business as this, we regarded neither. 
Near the chapel we met a party of Morgan's men com- 
ing to do that which we had already done. The officer 
appeared chagrined when he saw the extent of our plunder. 
He went on, and finally ransacked the house, and yet a 
little more, the stables. The joy of our men, among 
whom the plunder was distributed in nearly equal portions, 
was extravagant. Now an operation of the human mind, 
which often takes place in society, and is every day dis- 
cernible bv persons of observation, became clearh 
9 



98 Campaign against Quebec y 1775. 

obvious. " Let a man once, with impunity, desert the 
strict rule of right, all subsequent aggression is not only 
increased in atrocity, but is done without qualm of con- 
science." Though our company was composed prin- 
cipally of freeholders, or the sons of such, bred at home 
under the strictures of religion and morality, yet when 
the reins of decorum were loosed, and the honorable 
feeling weakened, it became impossible to administer 
restraint. The person of a tory, or his property, became 
fair game, and this- at the denunciation of some base 
domestic villain. 

December 13th. On this morning the same auda- 
cious scoundrel again returned. By leading to the first 
affair, and his intercourse with the privates, he had so 
wormed himself into their good graces that nothing 
would do but a system of marauding upon our supposed 
enemies, the tories. In this new expedition, which 
was fuither than the former, the officers thought it pru- 
dent to accompany the men, in truth, to keep order 
and repress their ardency. We arrived at a farm said to 
belong to Gov. Cromie or some other inhabitant of 
Quebec. The farm house, though low, being but one 
story, was capacious, and tolerably neat. The barn 
built of logs, with a threshing-floor in the center, was 
from seventy to eighty feet in length. The tenant, his 
wife, and children, shuddered upon our approach. As- 
surances that they should be unharmed, relieved their 
fears. The tenant pointed out to us the horned-cattle, 
pigs and poultry of his landlord. These we shot down 
without mercy, or drove before us to our quarters. 
Thus we obtained a tolerable load for our caravan, which 
consisted of five or six carioles. 

With this disreputable exploit, marauding ceased. 
A returning sense of decency and order, emanating from 
ourselves, produced a species of contrition. It is a 
solemn truth that we plundered none but those who 
were notoriously tories, and then within the walls of 
Quebec. The clergy, the nobles, and the peasantry, 



Campaign against ^uebec^ ^775- 99 

were respected and protected, especially the latter, with 
whom, to use a trite expression, we fraternized. The 
minuteness of this description of occurrences, of a trivial, 
yet disgraceful nature, is made the more strongly to 
impress your minds with the horrors attendant on civil 
wars. This species of war, more than any other, not 
only affects the great and the wealthy, but it intrudes 
itself into, and devastates the cottage. This the Ame- 
rican people know, from the many melancholy scenes 
which succeeded the period spoken of. 

Gracious and Almighty God ! the shield and protector 
of the good, as well as thou art the scourge of the base 
and wicked nation, avert from my country this the most 
terrible of thy modes of temporal vengeance. 

December 15th. In a short time, the rifle companies 
moved and occupied good quarters on the low grounds, 
near St. Charles river, and about two miles from Quebec. 
Our clothing was still of the flimsy kind, before noted, 
but our hearts were light, even to merriment. Indi- 
vidually, from our own funds, we supplied ourselves 
with arm-gloves, and renewed our moccasins. This was 
about the middle of December. During all this time, 
our daily duty was laborious in various ways, and every 
other night we mounted guard at St. Roque. A guard- 
house ere this, had been established at this place, in a 
very large stone house, which, though strong, being 
exposed to the enemy's fire, was soon battered about 
our ears, the distance scarcely more than three hundred 
yards. That position was changed for one more secure. 
A house which had been a tavern, was adopted in its 
stead. This house was peculiarly situated. It was 
comparatively small with the former in its dimensions, 
but the walls were strong, and the ceilings bomb-proof. 
It stood under the hill, so as to be out of the range of 
the shot from the ramparts contiguous to palace gate, 
which were elevated far above us. Simpson would say. 
Jack, let us have a shot at those fellows. Even at 
noon-day, we would creep along close to the houses. 



lOO Campaign against Quebec ^ '^11 S- 

which ranged under the hill, but close in with it, till we 
came within forty yards of palace gate. Here was a 
smith-shop, formed of logs, through the crevices of 
which we would fire, at an angle of seventy, at the 
sentries above us. Many of them were killed, and it 
was said, several officers. This was dishonorable war, 
though authorized by the practices of those times. The 
distance from this guard-house to palace gate, may be 
three hundred and fifty yards. The hill, at the back of 
the house, seemed to make an angle of sixty or seventy 
degrees. This activity continued from the walls of the 
city, and around it by the lower town (where it is greatest), 
for many miles up the St. Lawrence and St. Charles, and 
forms the basis of Abraham's plains. It was about that 
time the York artillerists, under Captain Lamb, had con- 
structed a battery on the Plains, at the distance of six 
hundred or seven hundred yards from the fortress. The 
earth was too difficult for the intrenching tools to pierce, 
the only method left was to raise a battery composed of 
ice and snow. The snow was made into ice by the 
addition of water. The work was done in the night 
time. Five or six nine-pounders, and a howitzer were 
placed in it ; it was scarcely completed, and our guns 
had opened on the city, before it was pierced through 
and through, by the weightier metal of the enemy. 
Several lives were lost on the first and second day. Yet 
the experiment was persisted in, till a single ball, piercing 
the battery, killed and wounded three persons. In the 
quarters last mentioned, we enjoyed some pleasant days. 
The winter in Canada, as with us, is the season of good 
humor and joy. 

December i8th, 19th. Upon a secession from the 
out-post, or other military employments, we were agreea- 
bly received in the farm houses around. Our engage- 
ments near palace gate, still continued to be of the 
arduous kind ; our numbers being few, every second 
watch was performed by the same persons who had 
made the guard the last but one. Between the guard- 



Campaign against ^ebec, IJIS- loi 

house, and the extreme end of the suburbs of St. Roque, 
which may be half a mile from the ramparts, there was 
a rising ground in the main street fairly in view of the 
enemy, and whilst we relieved in daylight, was raked 
even by grape shot. Some good men were lost here. 
This circumstance changed the time of relief, to nine 
o'clock in the evening. The rifle men were principally 
employed as guards at this dangerous station. It is but 
fair and honest to relate to you an anecdote concerning 
myself, which will convey to your minds some notion 
of that affection of the head or heart, which the military 
call a panic terror. Being one of the guard and having 
been relieved as a sentry, about twelve or one o'clock 
at night, upon returning to the guard house, in a dozing 
state, I cast myself on a bench next the back wall — ■ 
young, my sleeps were deep and heavy ; my youth 
obtained this grace from Simpson, the officer who com- 
manded ; about three o'clock I was roused by a horri- 
ble noise. The enemy, in casting their shells, usually 
b^'gan in the evening, and threw but a few, towards 
morning they became more alert. Our station being 
out of sight, it was so managed as to throw the shells on 
the side of the hill, directly back of us, so as they would 
trundle down against the wall of the guard house. This 
had frequently occurred before, but was not minded. 
A thirteen inch shell, thus thrown, came immediately 
opposite the place where my head lay ; to be sure the 
three feet wall was between us. The bursting report 
was tremendous, but it was heard in a profound sleep. 
Starting instantly, though unconscious of the cause, and 
running probably fifty yards, through untrod snow, three 
feet deep, to a coal house, a place quite unknown to me 
before, it was ten or fifteen minutes before the extreme 
cold restored that kind of sensibility which enabled me 
to know my real situation. Knowing nothing of the 
cause, the probable effect, nor anything of the conse- 
quences which might follow from this involuntary exer- 
tion, it seemed to me to be a species of the panic which 



I02 Campaign against ^ebec^ ^11 S- 

has been known to affect whole armies. • The circum- 
stance here related, caused a laugh against me ; but it 
was soon discovered that those of the soldiery, though 
wide awake, were as much panic stricken as myself. 
The laugh rebounded upon them. During this period 
we had many bitter nights. To give you some idea of 
a Canada winter, allow me to relate an occurrence 
which is literally genuine. 

December 24th. One night, at the time of relief, a 
confidential person came from Colonel Arnold, accom- 
panied by an Irish gentleman named Craig, directing 
the relieved guard to escort him to his own house, which 
stood between twenty and thirty paces from palace 
gate. Craig was a merchant of considerable wealth, and 
what was more, an excellent whig. He was expelled 
from his habitation because of his whigism, and took 
refuge in Arnold's quarters. Montgomery, by this time, 
had furnished us with personal clothing suitable to the 
climate, but there were a thousand other things wanting 
for comfortable accommodation. Many of these Mr. 
Craig possessed, and Arnold's luxurious cupidity desired. 
Craig's house was an extensive building, three stories 
high, with back buildings of an equal height, running 
far in the rear along the foot of the hill. This last 
building consisted of stores which, as well as the house, 
was of brick work. We came to the back part of the 
house silently, and with the utmost caution. Mr. Craig 
by a slight knock brought a trusty old negro to the 
door, who was the sole guardian of the house. The 
objects of Mr. Craig were frying pans, skillets, and a 
great variety of other articles of ironmongery, together 
with cloths, flannels, linens, etc., etc., etc. The 
party with Craig entered the house. As a man of con- 
fidence and as a sentry, it became my business to watch 
the palace gate. There was a clear moonlight, but it 
was exceedingly bleak. My place of observation was 
under a brick arch, over which were stores of Mr. Craig, 
perhaps less than eighty feet from palace gate. My 



Campaign against Quebec ^ ^775* 1^3 

gloves were good and well lined with tu', and my moc- 
casins of the best kind, well stuffed. Unseen, continu- 
ally pacing the width of the arch, my companions 
seemed to employ too mucli time. Some Frenchmen, 
of Colonel Livingston's regiment, without our know- 
ledge, had been below palace gate marauding. Repass- 
ing the house we were at, like so many hell hounds, 
they set up a yelling and horrid din, which not only 
scared our party, but alarmed the garrison itself. My 
companions in the house (apprehensive of a sally from 
palace gate), fled, carrying all they could. Though I 
heard the noise, the fliglit of my friends was unseen, as 
they emerged from the cellars. The noise and bustle 
created by the Canadians attracted the attention of the 
enemy. Large and small shells were thrown in every 
direction, wherever a noise was heard in St. Roque. 
Having on a line white blanket coat, and turning my cap, 
or bonnet roiige^ inside out, the inside being white, made 
me, as it were, invisible in the snow. Under the arch 
the conversation of the sentries, as it were, almost over 
mv head, was very distinguishable. In this cold region, 
many reasons operate to induce the placing two sentries 
at the same post — they enliven each other by convers- 
ing, and it prevents the fatal effects which follow from 
standing still in one position. Fifteen minutes, at this 
time, was the term of the sentries standing. The time 
of my standing under the arch seemed to be several 
hours, yet iionor and duty required perseverance. At 
length, being wearied out, going to the back door of the 
house and knocking, no whisper could be heard within, 
the old negro was soundly asleep in his bomb-proof 
shell. At this moment those Canadians ran past the 
gateway again, with their usual noisy jabber ; to me, in 
my deserted state, it seemed a sally of the enemy. 
There was no outlet but by the way we came, which 
seemed hazardous. Running gun in hand into a large 
enclosure, which was a garden of Mr. Craig's, here was 
a new dilemma. There v.-as no escape but by return- 



I04 Campaign against ^ebec, ^11 S- 

ing to the house or climbing a palisade twenty feet high. 
The latter was preferred ; but my rifle was left within 
the enclosure, as no means could be fallen upon to get 
it over the stockade. The guard house was soon 
reached. One of the sergeants kindly returned with 
me to assist in bringing over my gun. It was grasped 
in ecstasy. Alas ! the determination never to part with 
it again, but with life, was futile. While in the enclo- 
sure, going from and returning to it, we were assailed 
with grape-shot and shells, not by any means aimed at 
us, for the enemy knew not that we were there, but was 
intended to disperse those vociferous and vile Canadians, 
and it had the effect. They were as cowardly as noisy. 
The cohorn shells were handsomely managed. They 
usually burst at fifteen or twenty feet from the earth, so 
as to scatter their destructive effects more widely. Again 
coming to the guard house, my immediate friends all 
gone, I ran thence to our quarters, about two miles, with 
great speed. This was about three o'clock in the morn- 
ing. Coming to quarters, my feet and hands were 
numbed, without ever having, during those many dreary 
hours, been sensible of the cold. It was soon discovered 
that they were frozen. Pulling off my leggings, etc., 
and immerging my feet and legs knee deep m the snow 
at the door, rubbing with my hands a few minutes, soon 
caused a recirculation of the blood ; the hands were re- 
stored by the act. For fifteen, and even twenty years 
afterwards, the intolerable effects of that night's frost 
were most sensibly felt. The soles of my feet, particu- 
larly the prominences, were severely frostbitten and 
much inflamed ; so it was as to my hands. But it was 
very remarkable that these subsequent annual painings 
uniformly attacked me in the same month of the year 
in which the cause occurred. 

On the night of the 20th, or 21st of December, a 
snow-storm, driving fiercely from the north-east, induced 
the noble Montgomery to order an attack on the fortress. 
Our force, altogether, did not amount to more than 



Campaign against Quebec, 1775. 105 

eleven hundred men, and many of these, by contrivances 
of their own, were in the hospital, which, by this time, 
was transferred to the nunnery. The storm abated — 
the moon shone, and we retired to repose, truly unwill- 
ingly. We had caught our cornmander's spirit, who 
was anxious, after the capture of Chamblee, St. Johns 
and Montreal, to add Quebec, as a prime trophy to the 
laurels already won. Captain Smith, ' the head of our 
mess, as captain, had been invited to General Mont- 
gomery's council of officers (none under that grade 
being called) ; like most of uninstructed men he was 
talkative, and what is much worse, in military affairs, 
very communicative. I believe blushing followed the 
intelligence he gave me : the idea of impropriety of con- 
duct in him, deeply impressed my mind. The whole 
plan of the attack on the two following days was known 
to the meanest man in the army. How it was disclosed, 
is uncertain, unless by the fatuity of the captains. One 
Singleton, a sergeant in the troops which accompanied 
Montgomery, deserted from the guard at the suburbs of 
St. Johns, and disclosed to our foes the purport of our 



' Colonel Matthew Smith of Paxtang, who commanded the company in 
which young Henry served in the Quebec campaign, was one of the war 
eagles of the revolution. He was a native of Lancaster county, now Dau- 
phin, born about 1730. Hetook a warm interest in the affair at Conestoga 
and Lancaster in 1763-4, and was delegated by the Paxtang Boys to make 
a proper representation to the provincial assembly who were bent on per- 
secuting that band of heroes. He enlisted his company in June, 1775, ^""^ 
with Hendricks was the first south of the Hudson river to reach the be- 
leaguered city of Boston after the battle of Bunker hill. At the time of the 
attack upon Quebec, Captain Smith was on detached duty, and not with 
his company. He was, however, taken prisoner, released on parole and 
exchanged the latter part cf the year 1776, and subsequently promoted to 
major. He served as a member of the supreme executive council of 
Pa., in 1778-9, and was for a brief period vice-president of the state. 
Early in 1780 he was appointed prothonotary of Northumberland county. 
He died at Milton, July 21, 1794, and was buried at Warren Run burying 
ground six miles distant. Col. Smith was a fine looking man, had the air 
of a soldier, and was as ardent a patriot as ever breathed. Judge Henry, 
on account of Capt. Smith's rigid discipline, took a dislike to him, and in 
his narrative shows it prominently. — Dr. Wm. H. Egle. 



io6 Campaign against ^ebec^ ^11 S- 

schemes ; his desertion caused much anxiety. The 
general prudently gave out that it was by command, he 
would return soon with intelligence. This was believed 
generally. The latter information came to my know- 
ledge some months afterwards, when a prisoner. The 
relation of Smith to me is perfect on my memory. 
Youths seldom forget their juvenile impressions. It was 
this: "That we, of Arnold's corps, accompanied by 
Captain Lang's York artillerists, should assail the lower 
town, on the side of St. Roque : General Montgomery 
was to attack the lower town by the way of Cape Dia- 
mond, which is on the margin of the St. Lawrence. A 
false attack was to be made eastwardly of St. John's 
gate. When Montgomery and Arnold conjoined in the 
lower town, then the priests, the women and the child- 
ren, were to be gathered and intermingled with the 
troops and an assault be made on the upper town." 
Visionary as this mode of attack was, from what ensued, 
it is sincerely my belief that Smith was correct in his 
information, as to the plan suggested by the general. 
In those turbulent times, men of gallantry, such as 
Montgomery, were imperiously necessitated, to keep 
up their own fame and the spirits of the people, to pro- 
pose and to hazard measures, even to the confines of 
imprudence. There was another circumstance which 
induced our brave and worthy general to adopt active 
and dangerous means of conquest. Many of the New 
England troops had been engaged on very short enlist- 
ments, some of which were to expire on the first of 
January, 1776. The patriotism of the summer of 
seventy-five, seemed almost extinguished in the winter 
of seventy-six. The patriotic officers made everv exer- 
tion to induce enlistments but to no purpose. We, of 
the rifle corps, readily assented to remain with the gene- 
ral, though he should be deserted by the eastern men, 
yet this example had no manner of influence on the 
generality. The majority were either farmers or sailors, 
and some had wives and children at home. These, and 



Campaign against ^ebec^ ^11 S- ^^7 

other reasons, perhaps the austerity of the winter, and 
the harshness of the service, caused an obstinacy of mind 
which would not submit -to patriotic representation. 
Besides the smallpox, ' which had been introduced into 
our cantonments by the indecorous, yet fascinating arts 
of the enemy, had already begun its ravages. This 
temper of the men was well known to the general. 

It was not until the night of the thirty-first of 
December, 1775, that such kind of weather ensued as 
was considered favorable for the assault. The forepart 
of the night was admirably enlightened by a luminous 
moon. Many of us, officers as well as privates, had 
dispersed in various directions among the farm and tip- 
pling houses of the vicinity. We well knew the signal 
for rallying. This was no other than a snow-storm. 
About twelve o'clock p.m., the heaven was overcast. 
We repaired to quarters. By two o'clock we were 
accoutred and began our march. The storm was out- 
rageous, and the cold wind extremely biting. In this 
northern country the snow is blown horizontally into 
the faces of travelers on most occasions — this was our 
case. 

January ist. When we came to Craig's house, near 
palace gate, a horrible roar of cannon took place, and a 
ringing of all the bells of the city, which are very numer- 
ous, and of all ^zes. Arnold, heading the forlorn hope, 
advanced, perhaps, one hundred yards before the main 
body. After these, followed Lamb's artillerists. Mor- 
gan's company led in the secondarv part of the column 
of infantry. Smith's followed, headed by Steele, the 
captain, from particular causes, being absent. Hen- 
drick's company succeeded, and the eastern men, so far 
as known to me, followed in due order. The snow was 



'In relation to the small-pox, the circumstance about to be related, is 
most assuredly true, as it is known to me of mv own particular knowledge. 
A number of women loaded with the infection of the small-pox, came into 
our cantonments. — Henry. 



io8 Campaign against ^uebec^ ^77 S-- 

deeper than in the fields, because of the nature of the 
ground. The path made by Arnold, Lamb and Morgan, 
was almost imperceptible, because of the falling snow ; 
covering the locks of our guns with the lappets of our 
coats, holding down our heads (for it was impossible to 
bear up our faces against the imperious storm of wind 
and Slow), we ran along the foot ot the hill in single 
file. Along the first of our run, from palace gate, for 
several hundred paces, there stood a range of insulated 
buildings, which seemed to be store-houses ; we passed 
these quickly in single file, pretty wide apart. 7"he 
interstices were from thirty to fifty yards. In these 
intervals we received a tremendous fire ot musketry 
from the ramparts above us. Here we lost some brave 
men, when powerless to return the salutes we received, 
as the enemy was covered by his impregnable defences. 
They were even sightless to us, we could see nothing 
but the blaze from the muzzles of their muskets. 

A number of vessels of various sizes lay along the 
beach, moored by their hawsers or cables to the houses. 
Pacing after my leader. Lieutenant Steele, at a great rate, 
one of those ropes took me under the chin, and cast me 
headlong down a declivity of at least fifteen feet. The 
place appeared to be either a dry dock, or a sawpit. My 
descent was terrible ; gun and all was involved in a great 
depth of snow. Most unluckily, hoivever, one of my 
knees received a violent contusion on a piece of scraggy 
ice, which was covered by the snow. On like occasions, 
we can scarce expect, in the hurry of attack, that our 
intimates should attend to any other than their own 
concerns. Mine went from me, regardless of my fate. 
Scrabbling out of the cavity, without assistance, divesting 
my person and gun of the snow, and limping into the 
line, it was attempted to assume a station, and preserve 
it. These were none of my friends — they knew me 
not. We had not gone twenty yards, in my hobbling 
gait, before I was thrown out, and compelled to await 
the arrival of a chasm in the line, where a new place 



Campaign against ^ebec^ ^775- 109 

might be obtained. Men in affairs such as this, seem 
in the main to lose the compassionate feeling, and are 
averse from being dislodged from their original stations. 
We proceeded rapidly, exposed to a long line of fire from 
the garrison, for now we were unprotected by any build- 
ings. The fire had slackened in a small degree. The 
enemy had been partly called off to resist the general, 
and strengthen the party opposed to Arnold in our front. 
Now we saw Colonel Arnold returning, wounded in the 
leg, and supported by two gentlemen, a Parson Spring was 
one, and in my belief, a Mr. Ogden the other. Arnold 
called to the troops, in a cheering voice, as we passed, 
urging us forward, yet it was observable among the 
soldiery, with whom it was my misfortune to be now 
placed, that the colonel's retiring damped their spirits. 
A cant term, " We are sold," was repeatedly heard in 
many parts throughout the line. Thus proceeding en- 
filaded by an animated but lessened fire, we came to the 
first barrier, where Arnold had been wounded in the 
onset. This contest had lasted but a few minutes, and 
was somewhat severe, but the energy of our men pre- 
vailed. The embrasures were entered when the enemy 
were discharging their guns. The guard, consisting of 
thirty persons, were either taken or fled, leaving their 
arms behind them. At this time it was discovered that 
our guns were useless, because of the dampness. The 
snow, which lodged in our fleecy coats, was melted by 
the warmth of our bodies. Thence came that disaster. 
Many of the party, knowing the circumstance, threw 
aside their own, and seized the British arms. These 
were not only elegant, but were such as befitted the 
hand of a real soldier. It was said that ten thousand 
stand of such arms had been received from England, in 
the previous summer for arming the Canadian militia. 
Those people were Icath to bear them in opposition to 
our rights. From the first barrier to the second, there 
was a circular course along the sides of houses, and 
partly through a street, probably of three hundred yards, 
10 



no Campaign against ^ebec^ '^11 S- 

or more. This second barrier was erected across and 
near the mouth of a narrow street, adjacent to the foot 
of the hill, which opened into a larger, leading soon into 
the main body of the lower town. Here it was, that 
the most serious contention took place ; this became the 
bone of strife. The admirable Montgomery, by this 
time (though it was unknown to us), was no more ; yet, 
we expected momentarily, to join him. The firing on 
that side of the fortress ceased, his division fell under the 
command of a Colonel Campbell, of the New York line, 
a worthless chief, who retreated without making an effort, 
in pursuance of the general's original plans. The inevit- 
able consequence, was, that the whole of the forces on 
that side of the city, and those who were opposed to the 
dastardly persons employed to make the false attacks, 
embodied and came down to oppose our division. Here 
was sharp shooting. We were on the disadvantageous 
side of the barrier, for such a purpose. Confined in a 
narrow street hardly more than twenty feet wide, and 
on the lower ground, scarcely a ball, well aimed or 
otherwise, but must take effect upon us. Morgan, 
Hendricks, Steele, Humphreys, and a crowd of every 
class of the army, had gathered into the narrow pass, 
attempting to surmount the barrier, which was about 
twelve or more feet high, and so strongly constructed, 
that nothing but artillery could effectuate its destruction. 
There was a construction, fifteen or twenty yards within 
the barrier, upon a rising ground, the cannon of which 
much overtopped the height of the barrier, hence, we 
were assailed, by grape shot in abundance. This erection 
we called the platform. Again, within the barrier, and 
close in to it, were two ranges of musketeers, armed with 
musket and bayonet, ready to receive those who might 
venture the dangerous leap. Add to all this, that the 
enemy occupied the upper chambers of the houses, in 
the interior of the barrier, on both sides of the street, 
from the windows of which we became fair marks. 
The enemy, having the advantage of the ground in front, 



Campaign against ^ebec^ I775- m 

a vast superiority of numbers, dry and better arms, gave 
them an irresistible power, in so narrow a space. Hum- 
phrey's, upon a mound, which was speedily erected, 
attended by many brave men, attempted to scale the 
barrier, but was compelled to retreat, by the formidable 
phalanx of bayonets within, and the weight of fire from 
the platform and the buildings. Morgan, brave to 
temerity, stormed and raged, Hendricks, Steele, Nichols, 
Humphreys, equally brave, were sedate, though under a 
tremendous fire. The platform, which was within our 
view, was evacuated by the accuracy of our fire, and few 
persons dared venture there again. Now it was, that 
the necessity of the occupancy of the houses, on our side 
of the barrier, became apparent. Orders were given by 
Morgan, to that effect. We entered — this was near 
daylight. The houses were a shelter, from which we 
could fire with much accuracy. Yet, even here, some 
valuable lives were lost. Hendricks,' when aiming his 
rifle at some prominent person, died by a straggling ball, 
through his heart. He staggered a ie\N feet backwards, 



' The second company from Pennsylvania was commanded by Captaia 
William Hendricks, a native of Cumberland county, born two miles west 
of tlie Susquehanna river at what was long known as Tobias Hendrick's place, 
and latterly as Oyster's point. He was killed at Quebec January i, 1776, 
and buried in the same enclosure with General Montgomery, on the south 
side. The Rev. Dr. Smith, in his oration on the death of the gallant officer 
last named, makes this allusion to the former : " I must not, however, 
omit the name of the brave Captain Hendricks, who commanded one of the 
Pennsylvania Rifle companies and was known to me from his infancy. 
He was, indeed, prodigal of his life and counted danger out of his tour of 
duty. The command of the guard belonged to him on the morning of the 
attack ; but he solicited and obtained leave to take a more conspicuous part; 
and having led his men through the barrier, where his commanding officer, 
General Arnold was wounded, belong sustained the fire of the garrison with 
unshaken firmness, till at last, receiving a shot in his breast, be immediately 
expired. These particulars were certified by Gen. Thompson and Col. 
Magaw, his commanders in the Pennsylvania Rifle Regiment, and they give 
me this further character of him in their letter : 'No fatigues of duty ever 
discouraged him ; he paid the strictest attention to his company and was 
ambitious that they should excel in discipline, sobtiety and order. His social 
and domestic virtues you are well acquainted with.' " — Dr. W. H. EgU. 



112 Campaign against ^ebec^ ^775- 

and fell upon a bed, where he instantly expired. He 
was an ornament of our little society. The amiable 
Humphreys died by a like kind of wound, but it was in 
the street, before we entered the buildings. Many other 
brave men fell at this place, among these were Lieutenant 
Cooper, oi Connecticut, and perhaps fifty or sixty non- 
commissioned officers, and privates. The wounded 
were numerous, and many of them dangerously so. 
Captain Lamb, of the York artillerists, had nearly one 
half of his face carried away by a grape or canister shot. 
My friend Steele- lost three of his fingers, as he was 
presenting his gun to fire ; Captain Hubbard and Lieutenant 
Fisdle, were also among the wounded. When we reflect 
upon the whole of the dangers at this barricade, and the 
formidable force that came to " annoy us, it is a matter 
of surprise, that so many should escape death and 
wounding, as did."' All hope of successhaving vanished, 
a retreat was contemplated, but hesitation, uncertainty, 
and a lassitude of mind, which generally takes place in 
the affairs of men, when we fail in a project, upon which 
we have attached much expectation, now followed. That 
moment was foolishly lost, when such a movement might 
have been made with tolerable success. Captain Laws, 
at the head of two hundred men, issuing from palace gate, 
most fairly and handsomely cooped us up. Many of the 
men, aware of the consequences, and all our Lidians and 
Canadians (except Natanis and another), escaped across 
the ice which covered the bay of St. Charles, before the 
arrival of Captain Laws. This was a dangerous and 
desperate adventure, but worth while the undertaking, in 
avoidance of our subsequent sufferings. Its desperate- 



Of the other company officers Lt. John McClellan, who resided on the 
Juniata died on the march to Quebec. Lt. Francis Nichols was captured 
at Quebec ; after the war he was commissioned brigadier general in the 
Pennsylvania forces. Dr. Thomas Gibson of Carlisle was also captured. He 
died at Valley Forge in the memorable winter of 1778. — Il'iJ. 

•See General Nichols's letter. — Henry. 



Campaign against ^ebec, IJJS- ^^3 

ness consisted in running two miles across shoal ice, 
thrown up by the high tides of this latitude — and its 
danger, in the meeting with air holes, deceptively covered 
by the bed of snow. 

Speaking circumspectly, yet it must be admitted con- 
jecturally, it seems to me, that in the whole of the 
attack of commissioned officers, we had six killed, five 
wounded, and of non-commissioned and privates, at least 
one hundred and fifty killed, and fifty or sixty wounded. 
Of the enemy, many were killed and many more 
wounded, comparatively, than on our side, taking into 
view the disadvantages we labored under ; and that but 
two occasions happened when we could return their fire, 
that is, at the first and second barriers. Neither the 
American account of this affair, as published by congress, 
nor that of Sir Guy Carleton, admit the loss of either 
side to be so great as it really was, in my estimation. 
It seems to be an universal practice among belligerents 
of all nations, to lessen the number of the slain of the 
side of the party which reports the event, and to increase 
it on the part of the enemy. Having had pretty good 
opportunities of forming a just opinion on the subject, it 
is hoped that gentlemen who have thought or written 
differently, will not disdain to listen to my argument. 
As to the British, on the platform they were fair objects 
to us. They were soon driven thence by the acuteness 
of our shooting, which in our apprehension must have 
destroyed many. Perhaps there never was a body of 
men associated, who better understood the use and 
manner of employing a rifle, than our corps, which by 
this time of the attack, had their guns in good order. 
When we took possession of the houses, we had a 
greater range. Our opportunities to kill were enlarged. 
Within one hundred yards every man must die. The 
British, however, were at home — they could easily drag 
their dead out of sight, and bear their wounded to the 
hospital. It was the reverse with us. Captain Prentis, 
who commanded the provost guards, would tell me of 



114 Campaign against ^e bee, 1775. 

seven or eight killed, and fifteen or twenty wounded. 
Opposed to this, the sentries (who were generally 
Irishmen that guarded us with much simplicity, if not 
honesty), frequently admitted of forty or fifty killed, and 
many more wounded. The latter assertions accorded 
with my opinion. The reasons for this belief are these : 
when the dead, on the following days, were transported 
on the carioles, passed our habitation for deposition in 
the dead house we observed many bcdies of which 
none of us had any knowledge -, and again when our 
wounded were returned to us from the hospital, they 
uniformly spoke of being surrounded there, in its many 
chambers, by many of the wounded of the enemy. To 
the great honor of General Carleton they were all, 
whether friends or enemies, treated with like attention 
and humanity. The reason why the wounded of our 
side bore so small a proportion to the dead, seems to be 
this : in the long course we ran from palace gate to the 
first barrier, we lost many men who were killed out- 
right, but many more died, who were merely wounded, 
yet in such a manner as in a milder region to make the 
case a curable one. A blow from a ball so large as that 
of a musket, staggers a man, whether the wound be in 
the arm, leg, or elsewhere ; if in staggering he falls, he 
comes down into a deep bed of snow, from which a hale 
man finds it very difficult to extricate himself. Five or 
ten minutes struggling in such a bed, benumbs the 
strongest man, as frequent experience has taught me j 
if the party be wounded, though but slightly, twenty or 
thirty minutes will kill him, not because of the severity 
of the wound, but by the intensity of the frost. These 
are my opinions, grounded on a tolerably distinct and 
accurate knowledge of particular cases which occurred 
in the first part of the attack, and a variety of inform- 
ation obtained afterwards from individual sufferers, who 
were persons of credibility, rescued from death by the 
humane activity of Governor Carleton. About nine 
o'clock, A.M., it was apparent to all of us that we must 



Campaign against Quebec ^ I775- ^^5 

surrender. It was done. On this occasion, my friend 
General F. Nichols, by his own native spirit, persever- 
ance and determined bravery, obtained an honorable 
distinction, and acknowledgment from a brave and dis- 
tinguished enemy. It enhances his merit and the boon 
(when we reflect that that enemy was no other than 
General Carleton), an ornament such as would grace 
any nation, whether in the worst or best of times. Some 
privates came to Lieutenant Nichols, and demanded his 
sword ; the requisition was peremptorily denied, though 
there was great risk in the refusal. He retained his 
sword till meeting with Captain Endesly of the enemy, 
to whom it was surrendered ; but with the exaction of 
a promise that it should be returned when he, the cap- 
tive, should be released. In the August following, 
before our embarkation for New York, Captain Endesly 
waited on Lieutenant Nichols, and in the presence of 
all the American officers, redelivered the sword, under 
the assurance that it was by the permission and com- 
mand of General Carleton. This trait in the character 
of Carleton adds to the celebrity of his derivation, and 
manner of thinking, and casts into a dark ground the 
characters of most of the principal British officers, par- 
ticularly the Scotch, who had much influence in those 
days and bore towards us an intemperate hatred. 

The commissioned oflScers, and some of the cadets 
were conducted to the seminary, a respectable building. 
It became my lot, in one way or other, to be lost in the 
crowd, and to be associated with the non-commissioned 
officers, in the company of some of whom ardent and 
perilous duties had been undergone. These men are 
by no means to be lessened in character, by contrasting 
them with the levies made in Europe, or those made 
since that time in our own country. Many of our 
sergeants, and even of our privates, were, with good 
educations, substantial freeholders in our own country. 
Upon a former occasion you were told the story of the 
respectable Dixon. He possessed (if sordid wealth 



ii6 Campaign against Quebec ^ ^775- 

makes the man), two-fold the riches of his captain ; and 
if it be permitted me to decide upon the characters of 
men, five-fold his understanding, activity and spirit. 
Amiable Dixon ! Many of these men, in the progress of 
the bloody scenes which ensued, became props of our 
glorious cause, in defence of our sacred liberties. All 
could be named. Let ^ few suffice. Thomas Boyd, 
so often spoken ot in the wilderness for his good humor, 
his activity and the intensity of his sufferings ; struggled 
gloriously for his life as a captain, and died a dreadful 
death by the hands of the savages in 1779, in the expedi- 
tion conducted by General Sullivan against the Six-nation 
Indians.' Charles Porterfield, who lost his life in the 



' The death of niy friend Boyd vva^ to me as a thunderbolt; painful in 
an excessive degree ; many a tear has since been shed to his manes. In 
the autumn of 1779, ^^ commanded a company of rifle-men of the first 
Pennsylvania regiment. When Sullivan had penetrated into the Seneca 
country, in the neighborhood of the Genesee river, Boyd, as my inform- 
ation is from various gentlemen, was ordered with a hand of twenty choice 
men, before daylight to make an excursion towards an Indian village, on 
the river Genesee (which flows north into Lake Ontario), at a distance of 
eight miles, for the purpose of making discoveries. In his return, arriving 
at a rising ground, a knoll, he lieard a rustling of the leaves in his front : 
an enemy was suspected ; he gathered his men around him, each taking 
his tree. The enemy was sightless to Boyd and his party, yet the approach 
around him was sensible to every one. Boyd, not knowing the number of 
his assailants, it is said, considered them as a small body of observation. 
This party of Indians, probably one thousand, encompassed Boyd and his 
men, gradually : a defence worthy of the character of Boyd took place. 
Every man he had was killed, except three, who broke through the Indians, 
and brought the doleful tidings to our camp. Boyd was taken, and carried 
alive to the Indiantown, where he was tortured after their savage custom, 
and his body mangled in the most horrible manner. General Simpson, 
who was then with the army, assures me that on the following day, when 
the troops arrived at the town, in the wigwams, they found a number of 
fresh scalps stretched in the usual manner on small hoops, and painted. 
The head of Boyd lay in one of the cabins, newly dissevered. His scalp 
was still moist and hooped and painted. Simpson knew it by its long 
brown and silky hair : it is now preserved as a relic of our friend. An 
officer (Captain A. Henderson), lately, in describing this unequal but 
arduous fight, upon the part of Boyd, told me, "that the hands of the dead 
men, in many instances, were fast closed upon the hair of Indians." 

To give you a more perfect idea of the brutality of savage torture, and of 
heart-rending sensations, I can do no better than to lay before you the 



Campaign against ^ebeCy 1775. '*7 

battle of Camden, when in the station of a colonel. 
Joseph Aston, of Lamb's, who served his country 
throughout the war, and was promoted to a majority. 
Doctor Thomas Gibson, of Hendricks', who died in the 
performance of his duty, at the Valley Forge, in the 
winter of 1778. Robert Cunningham, a wealthy free- 
holder of Smith's, who here imbibed the seeds of that 
disorder, which, at too early an age, hurried him to the 
grave. He was a younger brother of that excellent 



letter of the Honorable Thomas Campbell, of the senate, who himself has 
been a martyr in our cause. He saw the corpse of the unfortunate Boyd 
on the following day, and interred it. Since the death of Colonel Craw- 
ford we know nothing like the present martyrdom, in the cause of liberty ; 
and it is to be hoped, from the prudence and strength of the federal go- 
vernment, nothing of the kind will again occur in our future wars with the 
aborigines of our country. 

" Senate Chamber, Lancaster, 

^'■January ^otb, 1 809. 
"Sir, 

" Captain Lieutenant Thomas Boyd, belonging to the riflemen of the 
state of Pennsylvania, was most inhumanly murdered by the Indians. His 
death occurred on the i 3th day of September, 1779, at the Genesee Castle, 
on General Sullivan's expedition to the northwestward, against the Six- 
nation Indians." 

" He was sent on the night of the 12th of September, from the camp, 
near a lake called ' Conesus,' with a party of men, consisting of twenty 
soldiers, five volunteers and an Indian chief, named Han-Jost, belonging 
to the Oneida nation : in all twenty-seven in number. They were sent by 
General Sullivan to reconnoitre an Indian town, supposed to be about 
six miles distant from the camp. On the morning of the 12th of September, 
the army took up the line of march bffore sunrise, but marching a short 
distance, was obliged to halt, till the pioneers made a bridge over a morass, 
otherwise the cannon could not have been brought up. The town that 
Captain Boyd was taken to, was evacuated by all except two Indians, one 
was on horseback, the other was leading a cow. James Elliot and Timothy 
Murphy were sent to stop them, they both discharged their guns at the 
same time, the one that led the cow was killed, the other, though severely 
wounded, escaped. Boyd returning slowly, expecting to meet the army, saw 
an Indian start up and run off. It was with great difficulty that Boyd 
stopped the men from pursuit, at the request of Han-Jost, who said the Indian 
was only a runner, sent to draw them into an ambuscade. Eighteen of the 
soldiers were killed, and Han-Jost the Oneida chief, was made a greater 
sacrifice than any of the white men who fell or were taken at that place. 

*' Captain Boyd and Michael Parker were made prisoners, and taken to 
the Genesee Castle, and there most inhumanly murdered. Boyd's head 



ii8 Campaign against ^ebec^ ^11 S- 

citizen, and frequent representative of the people of the 
county of Lancaster, James Cunningham. In short, 
many others might be mentioned in the general, as worthy 
and well informed as their superiors, without in anywise, 
imputing to the latter, in so saying, the slightest degree 
of disparagement. This will always be the case, when 
the great body of a nation rises in its strength to defend 
its rights. Those who understand the point in question, 
in a national dispute, and are most strongly impressed 



was taken off and totally skinned, his right eye was taken out, as also his 
tongue. His right foot, from the ball of the heel to the toes, was laid 
open as if with a knife. He was cut open across the bottom of his belly, 
and his bowels were taken out, and a very long knife was sticking in be- 
tween his shoulders, descending to the vital parts. This seems to have 
been the coup de grace. 

" General Simpson and myself, were sent to see the corpse of Boyd in- 
terred. I spread a blanket on the ground beside him, we then turned the 
corpse over on it. I took the head of the deceased, and put it as near the 
neck as possible. I procured a needle and thread from one of the tailors, 
and sewed the corpse up as well as 1 could. As to the head of Michael 
Parker, it could not be found. All the flesh was cut out from his shoulders 
downward, and otherwise his body was most inhumanly mangled. 

«' We interred the corpses of both, near the Genesee Castle, in separate 
graves, on the 14th day of September, 1779. 
" I am Sir, 

Your humble servant 

Thomas Campbell. 
Late a captain of the fourth 

Pennsylvania regiment." 
"To the Hon. John Jos. Henry." 

Though we have no account from an eye witness, of the barbarous manner 
in which Captain Boyd was tortured, yet we may conceive from the ap- 
pearance of his body, that the most malignant and hellish pains were ex- 
ercised upon it. The being emboweled, conveys an idea of a known mode 
of Indian torment ; the fixing an end of the entrails to the stake, and 
compelling the prisoner by fire and blows to run till the conglomerated 
mass is expended. Upon the subject of these tortures, look at Dr. 
Colden's History of the Mohawks, and Judge Smith's History of Neio York. 

Colonel Campbell is of opinion, that the wound along the sole of Captain 
Boyd's foot, was made before the savages brought him to their (castle) or 
village. His reason is, that the wound was filled with bits of rotten 
branches of wood, and small pieces of leaves. The conjecture may be 
true, as Indian punishment, at its acme, is to give the greatest degree of 
pain. — Henry. 



Campaign against ^ebec, 1775- 119 

with its importance, will be the first to arm. This has 
been, and ever will be, the disposition of men in all 
ages, past or to come, whenever their privileges are 
invaded. Offices of prime importance cannot be ob- 
tained by all. Men of talents, of genius and courage 
must step into subordinate stations. Socrates, Alcibiades 
and Demosthenes fought in the ranks. 

God in his great goodness grant, in the future 
vicissitudes of the world, that our countrymen, whenever 
their essential rights shall be attacked, will divest them- 
selves of all party prejudice, and devote their lives and 
properties in defence of the sacred liberties of their 
country, without any view to emolument, but that which 
springs from glorious and honorable actions. Pardon 
me for frequent digression, upon this subject particularly, 
as my whole soul was bound up in our cause, you must 
forgive me. The real apology is, we were, all of us, 
enthusiastic whigs. 

When under guard, in the morning of the first of 
January, Colonel M'Dougal, a Scotch gentleman, near 
noon, came to review us ; his person was known to me 
at Detroit, as an intimate of an uncle, three years before 
this time. The colonel was naturally polite and kind- 
hearted. When it came to my turn to be examined, as 
to name, place of birth, etc., besides making the proper 
answers to his inquiries, I was emboldened to declare 
that he was known to me. He seemed surprised, but 
not displeased ; a request was immediately added *■'• that 
he would order me to be transferred to the quarters of 
the officers." " No, my dear boy," said he, " you had 
better remain where you are ; the officers, as you are in 
rebellion, may be sent to England, and there be tried 
for treason." The advice of this venerable veteran 
made an impression on my mind, which was then agitated 
bv a thousand vagrant thoughts, and involved in doubt 
and uncertainty as to our destination. We then well 



I20 Campaign against ^ebec^ ^77 5- 

knew of the voyage of Colonel Ethan Allen to England, 
and the manner of it ;' and that of George Merchant, 



'Of the treatment of Ethan Allen, at the time spoken of, we know 
nothing but from report, which we then thought well. grounded, and the 
truth of which, at this day, there is no reason to doubt. He was a man 
of much peculiarity of character. Large, powerful of body, a most ferocious 
temper (fearing neither God nor man), of a most daring courage, and a 
pertinacity of disposition, which was unconquerable, and very astonishing 
in all his undertakings : withal he had the art of making himself beloved, 
and revered by all his followers. When he was taken in the Isle of 
Montreal, in 1775, the government found it necessary to confine him in a 
cage, as one would a wild beast, and thus aboard ship, he was transported 
to Quebec. What his treatment was during this voyage to England, is 
unknown to me. 

This, however, is known, that for many years he was a prisoner in Eng- 
land, returning from his captivity to America, he brought with him a 
manuscript, which he afterwards entitled The Oracle of' Reason. My 
beloved children, it is the farthest from my thought to confine your know- 
ledge to narrow bounds; when you dip into scriptural history, dip deep, do 
not skim the surface of the subject, as many fools have done of late days. 
Upon a thorough inquiry, your hearts will be animated by a conviction 
that there came a Saviour to redeem you from eternal perdition, and to 
provide for you an eternal salvation and state ot happiness. 

That book was most certainly the composition of Ethan Allen. He was 
very illiterate j he did not know the orthography of our language. The 
extent of his learning, probably bounded by some historic chronicles, and 
a few other books of little account, did not go beyond the scriptures. The 
gentleman who gave me the above information, was an elegant scholar, bred 
at Harvard college. Going to New York in the summer of 1786. a friend, 
from mere curiosity, requested me to purchase the book for him. Being 
detained at New York six weeks by business, I frequently looked into the 
detestable volume. The argument if so diabolical a work can be said to 
contain argument, was in general arranged, and conducted in the same 
manner as the ^ge of Reason, but in a coarser, and yet a more energetic 
language, than that of the latter work. On my return to Philadelphia, in 
a conversation with the Vermontese gentleman, who was still there, Ethan 
Aliens Bihle, became a topic of discourse. He gave me this curious an- 
ecdote which he averred upon his honor to be true. A young gentleman, 
either a scholar of Harvard or Yale college, had come into Vermont, and 
there taught a school. Allen labored under the want of an amanuensis 
and transcriber of knowledge and learning. The scholar, to increase his 
emoluments, became such. Allen attended him daily, standing, staffin hand, 
at the back of the young man's chair. " Sir," he would say to Allen, " this 
word is misspelled." "Amend it." Again, "this word is misplaced, the 
sense is incorrect," etc. Allen, who was most profane, would swear (some- 
times raising his staff) " By G** sir, you shall insert it; you shall not alter 
it." Thus the Oracle of Reason came into the world ; which, of all books, 



Campaign against ^ebec, 1775. 121 

our fellow soldier, but the consequences were unknown. 
It became my determination to take the fatherly advice 



is the most bluntly vicious, as regards the well-being of society ; the salva- 
tion of souls J and the happiness of those who have faith in the redemption 
by the blood of our Saviour. But that which is very remarkable, is, that 
long after the publication of Allen's book, which had fallen into oblivion, 
even with its readers, that vile reprobate, Thomas Paine, loaded with every 
crime which stains and dishonors the Christian and the gentleman (in ad- 
dition to his shameful practices in life, Paine, as an author, superadded 
plagiarism), filched from Ethan Allen the great body of his deistical and 
atheistical opinions, which from the time of Celsus, down to the age of 
Chubb, Tindal and others, have been so often refuted by men of the utmost 
respectability of character and fame. When we reflect upon the vicissitudes 
of this world, its immense revolutions in temporal affairs, the awful perse- 
cutions which occurred in early times, the collisions of opinion and party 
rage, in the article of religious belief; and the vast body of martyrs who 
devoted their lives in support of their faith, 'we must believe that there is 
something more than ordinary j something really divine in the system of 
our religion, springing from God himself. In the last ages, we know of 
many of both sexes, of the soundest and best instructed minds, whom it is 
almost needless to name, unless it be merely for the purpose of opposing 
their virtues and characters to persons of a different mode of thinking. 
All of them possessed a firm and solid credence in the celestial origin of 
our holy faith, and some of them sealed their creed with their blood. 
When such men suffer because of principle, some reliance should be placed 
on their good sense and knowledge. The terms enthusiasm and madness, 
have been too often coupled, as conveying the same idea. George Fox, 
Captain Meade, and William Penn, have been called enthusiastic madmen, 
but we now know that they acted through the course of the religious parts 
of their lives, from a conviction of the principles of the gospel, being 
genuine and absolutely true. However, on this subject, but a few names 
need be repeated to convey to your minds its importance and solemnity. 
Many of the greatest men, as it concerns worldly things, were Christians. 
John Huss, Jerome of Prague, Martin Luther, John Calvin, Cranmer, 
Hooker, Tillotson, of the clergy ; of the laity. Sir Thomas Moore, Sir 
Matthew Hale, Spangenberg, Mosheim, Joseph Addison, Richard Steele, 
Lord Henry Littleton, Soame Jenyns, and thousands of others, all men of 
profound learning, have testified by their lives and writings, a reliance on 
the merits of the redemption by the blood of Christ Jesus. But when we 
find those men supported ai.d reinforced by two of the strongest minded 
men that ever lived. Sir Isaac Newton and John Locke, who can doubt.' 
When we contrast their opinions with those of Hobbs, Chubb, Henry St. 
John, Voltaire, J. J. Rousseau, Beringer, the great Frederick of Prussia, 
or Mr. Gibbon, how deeply do the last not sink, by the weight of reason 
and argument } Allen and Paine are paltry wretches, mere scribblers, if 
classed with the men last named. Those were beautiful writers, whose 
language fascinates, but corrupts the youthful mind, these are dull plodders, 
11 



122 Camfaign against ^ebeCy 1775. 

of Colonel JVl'Douga), for it was really delivered in the 
parental style, and to adhere to it. He brought one of 



who knew not the principles of their mother tongue ; but it is perhaps 
from the circumstance of illiterateness, that Allen and Paine have attacked 
Christianity in so gross and indecorous a manner. The maniac Paine, when 
confined in the prison, Conciergerie, at Paris, seems to boast "that he kept 
no bible." This may be true. But the expression shows that his proper 
place, instead of a common jail, should have been a mad-house. 

It shows, however, a vanity of mind beyond the bearing of men of under- 
standing. Indeed he was inflated by a supercilious pride, and an imaginary 
importance, which made his society undesirable. He was one of that class 
of men who, with a small spice of learning, in company, domineered as 
if he had been a Johnson. He was almost unbearable to many men, who 
patronized him because of the good effect of his works during the revolu- 
tion. To give you a (fw instances j the late David Rittenhouse, Esq., 
one of the most amiable, most ingenious and best of men, treasurer of the 
state, George Bryan, Esq., the vice-president of the council, a man of great 
reading and much good sense, Jonathan Sergeant, the attorney general of 
Pennsylvania, whose oratorical powers could scarcely be surpassed, and 
your grand-father, and many other gentlemen of character, during the course 
of the years '77, '78 and '79, were in habits of intimacy with him, but his 
dogmatic disposition and obstinacy of mind, frequently caused great disgust. 
Again, Colonel Samuel John Attlee, an excellent patriot, and a man of 
note among us, both in the military and civil capacities of a citizen, gave 
this anecdote to me, a few months after the occurrence happened. Though 
all the gentlemen present, approved of the writings of Paine, as they con- 
cerned our political state, for they were all of them to a man, good whigs, 
yet they abhorred him, because of his personal aberrations from virtue, and 
the decencies of social life. A Mr. Mease of Philadelphia, who was clothier 
general, had invited a number of gentlemen of the army, then in the city, 
to dine with him. Among whom were Colonel Attlee, Colonel Francis 
Johnson, General Nicliols, and many members of the legislature of whom 
there was Matthias Slough of Lancaster. You may readily suppose, that 
the excellent wine of Mr. Mease exhilerated the company. When return- 
ing to their lodgings. Colonel Attlee observed Paine coming towards them 
down Market-street. There comes " Common Sense," says Attlee to the 
company. " Damn him," says Slough, " I shall common sense him." As 
he approached the party, they took the wall. Mr. Slough tripped him, 
and threw him on his back into a gutter, which at that time was very 
offensive and filthy. 

This is told, to communicate a trait to you, in the character of Thomas 
Paine, who did some good, but a vast deal of harm to mankind, *' that the 
very people who were most benefited by his literary labors, hated him." 
The company I have spoken of, were all men of eminence in the state j 
men who staked their all on the issue of the revolution. The writings of 
Paine as concerns us, are many of them handsomely worded, have pith and 
much sivengiii or argun ent. .xni art in gentral correct, yet his doni'stJc 



Campaign against Quebec, ^77 S' ^^3 

his sons, whom I had formerly known, to see me on the 
following day. About mid-day we were escorted to a 



life and manners were so very incorrect, that a disgust, which was perhaps 
right, destroyed every favorable personal feeling towards him. His in- 
delicacy was intolerable. His numbers of Common Sense, the Crisis, and 
some other of his fugitive pieces, every American who recollects those 
" trying times," must acknowledge to have been extremely beneficial to 
our cause. This has often been admitted by our Generals Washington, 
Gates, Greene, etc., but he was compensated, and had the secretaryship 
for foreign affairs. Like all men of bad principles, he betrayed his trust, 
and a virtuous congress displaced him, yet the different states more than 
remunerated him for all his writings. 

So it is, that that man who was without virtue, a disturber of society, 
an ill husband, an unworthy citizen, cloaked by every vice, would now by 
his ^ge of Reason, which he stole from the ignorant Ethan Allen, 
who was as iniquitous as himself, destroy the peace of mind, and all the 
hope of happiness in futurity, of those who rely on the redemption of their 
souls by the blood of Christ 5 and that, without substituting, or even sug- 
gesting, any other manner of faith, tending to quiet the minds of sinners. 
I knew Paine well, and that personally, for he lodged in the house of my 
father, during the time that Generals Howe and Clinton were in Philadel- 
phia. His host often regretted the entertainment he gave him. His 
manners were in opposition and hostile to the observances of the proprieties 
and due ordinances of social life. Many who approved of his political 
writings abominated his detestable mode of living and acting. 

[I am justified in using these expressions, by an occurrence in 1794, 
with my own mother. She was a woman of strong understanding, and of 
unfeigned and rigid belief in the truths of gospel-history, yet a dispassionate, 
placid and mild religionist. Her heart was so free from thinking ill of any 
one, that of a truth of her it might be said " she knew no guile." One 
day going to a bookseller's in Lancaster, I met with an extract in the shape 
of a pamphlet of Doctor Joseph Priestley's History of the Corruption of 
Christianity. Never having seen any of that gentleman's polemic works, 
it was purchased. My mother as usual came in in the evening, to sit and 
converse with my family. I was reading the pamphlet. " What have you 
got ? " '' A work of Doctor Priestley's on religion." I was then at the 
chapter of the ''Doctrine of the Atonement of Christ," for the sins of the 
world. The title of the chapter excited the attention of my mother. 
Before she came in the passage had been partly perused, and she eagerly 
asked me " to read the whole of it to her." I began, but had scarcely pro- 
ceeded through two or three pages, when she rapped the book from my 
hands, and threw it into the fire, where it was most deservedly burned. 
Smilingly, I said " mother, why do you destroy my^ book ? " The reply was 
with an observable degree of anger : '' Because your book would destroy my 
happiness, in this and the world to come ! I know that I have a Savior, 
who redeemed me, whose blood was shed upon the cross for me : of this, 
I am convinced. Your book goes to make me doubt of the merits of the 



124 Campaign against ^ebec^ ^11 S- 

ruinous monastery of the order of St. Francis, called the 
Regu/iers. It was an immense quadrangular building, 



sufferings of that Savior. The book would deprive me of the only staff 
upon which my hope of salvation rests, and gives me none other, upon 
which I can lean." These notions of my beloved mother, which accorded 
fully with my own, on that topic, were submitted to with a juvenile frank- 
ness which pleased her, and of all the world I knew none whom I so 
much wished to oblige, as that dear, amiable and instructive mother. My 
father had been a mechanic of much respectability, and great skill. 
During the war usually called " Braddock's war," and afterwards in Forbes's 
campaign (in 1758), he was at the head of the armory, which in those 
days was no mean station, and required talents of a superior grade. 
Afterwards, having made a tolerable fortune, he entered into trade, but 
his inclinations led him into chemical experiments. His evenings and, 
mornings were devoted to the laboratory. This gave rise to my mother's 
acquaintance with Mr. Priestley, as an experimental philosopher. For the 
instruction of his children, my father would discourse upon the subjects of 
science and particularly of chemistry, which was his favorite theme, and in 
which the names of Franklin and Priestley were sure to stand foremost. 
My beloved parent's manner showed me that she was stung to the quick. 
My apology to her, had the desired effect, as her curiosity and mine 
sprung from similar motives, " a desire to know the religious opinions of a 
man of whom we had had superlative ideas," because of his acquirements 
in many other branches of knowledge. 

The position wished to be proved to you, by this relation which is true, 
is " that for the sake of public and private comfort and genial happiness, it 
is better not to disturb the devout mind by fanciful and newfangled schemes 
of belief and that those should be open only to the eyes of the learned." 
My mother was a person of extensive reading ; her religious tenets and 
faith were solely grounded on the scriptures of the Old and New Testa- 
ments, as these, in her mind, were considered as clearly correct, but 
nevertheless she was fearful of a disturbance of her mind by the quirks 
and quibbles of deistical scribblers. Therefore to interfere with her 
devotional principles, in so rude and heterodox a manner, tended to derange 
her charming mind, and devastate those elegant maxims of Christian belief, 
which the excellency of her maternal education had infused into her heart ; 
in short, to destroy that firmness with which she relied on the merits and 
sufferings of our Lord and Savior Jesus Christ. 

Such men as Hobbs, Chubb, etc., seem not to have reflected on the 
dreadful ills and calamities their writings would create, if their books came 
into general circulation. If they did reflect, posterity ought to consider 
them to have been the tigers and hyenas of human society, opposed to the 
well being of the humarvrace. Voltaire and John James Rousseau, in my 
humble opinion, intended well to the people of France, but when speaking 
of those gentlemen, we should recollect that they, as well as the virtuous 
and celebrated Montesquieu, were the subjects of a prince who might, if he 
pleased, be despotic : but that which was still worse, was, that the people 



Campaign against ^ebeCy 1775. ^^5 

containing, within its interior bounds, half an acre or 
more, of an area, which seemed to be like a garden or 



were abandoned to the control of a theological aristocracy — bigoted, 
wealthy, imperious and scandalously subjected to vices, in many instances, 
greater than those of laymen, insomuch that in the reign of Louis XIV, 
because of the infamous lives, and the oppressions of all classes of the 
nation by the clergy, there was scarcely a gentleman in the kingdom, who 
was not deistically inclined. For when the ministers of a religion of so 
high sanctity, as that of our Holy Faith, demean themselves in a manner 
which evinces to laymen their want of confidence in the religion (which 
they had been consecrated to propagate and enforce), by an unholy life and 
conduct, particularly in their cruel exactions from devotees ; in the latter 
instance, of enormous fees, and various demands of tithes of a most 
exorbitant nature, which from time to time, they wickedly usurped. 
Hence, it arose that Montesqueiu, Voltaire, Diderot, Rousseau, and 
hundreds of others, of the learned men of France (considering the state of 
that government), formed a phalanx of historic knowledge, genuine 
reasoning, true wit, and an inexhaustible fund of humor, which slurred 
their opponents to such a degree, as in the minds ot the generality of Europe 
gave them a deserved victory even over the government, which supported 
the theocracy, with its vast power. It also, most probably, came from 
thence, that those men under the clerical persecutions raised against them 
( for many we'e confined in the dungeons), in the heat of controversy, 
emitted opinions and ideas inconsistent with our pure, simple and holy 
religion, according to the Augsburg creed, which we know has been adopted, 
either in the whole or in part, by all the reformed churches. In polemic 
disputes, and perhaps more particularly in those which happened in 
monarchies, there is an acrimony and irascibility of temper, inflaming the 
minds of men generally, greater than is the case in democracies. The 
cause seems to be, that in monarchies the priesthood becomes a machine 
of government, in democracies it is the vehicle by which the people 
simply adore God. 

Those controversies, between the so styled philosophers of France and 
the clergy, were conducted with such hatred and obloquy towards each 
other, that they elicited sparks which enkindled that nation in a dreadful 
flame of internal destruction j and the brand has not only communicated 
itself to all Europe, but in general to the world at large. Since the time 
of Julius Caesar, nothing has occurred equal in barbarity, irruption, bloodshed, 
murder, by public or domestic treason, as that which has happened in 
Europe, since the year 1789. Gracious and omnipotent God, restore the 
peace of the world ! ! !] 

Such is the man who, upon his slight intercourse with the American 
people, pluming himself with the well-earned celebrity of his political pieces, 
that now presumes to become a reformer of our morals, our religious opin- 
ions and thinkings on Divine subjects. He himself a reprobate, cloaked by 
every vice, would dictate to a great and independent Christian people, their 
formulary of belief. Such insolence and presumption was never before 



126 Campaign against Quebec ^ ^775- 

shrubbery. The monks, priests or what not, who in- 
habited the house, must have been few in number, as 



witnessed unless it was in the instance of Mahomet, or in those of the im- 
postures (such as Sabbati ^evi), who frequently as Messias, appeared to de- 
ceive the remnant of the Jewish people. Paine with all his other vices had 
a foible injurious to our country. To keep up the spirits of- the people it 
was requisite that there should be a series of patriotic publications. Paine 
was the most indolent of men ; if he was inspired by a muse, the 
goddess most certainly made him but few visits. The office of secretary 
of foreign affairs, was conferred upon him, because of the merit of his 
Common Sense, or what are called the C'ists, under the signature to 
Common Sense. It was to him personally a sinecure. He never went 
to York (Penn. ), where congress then sat, but occasionally, and stayed but 
a day or two. His true employment was that of a political writer. In 
the summer and winter of 1777, and 1778, he was an inmate of my 
father's house, as were the late David Rittenhouse, the state-treasurer, and 
John Hart, a member of the then executive council. 

Paine would walk of a morning until twelve o'clock ; come in and make 
an inordinate dinner. The rising from table was between two and three 
o'clock. He would then retire to his bed-chamber, wrap a blanket around 
him, and in a large arm-chair, take a nap, of two or three hours — rise and 
walk. These walks, and his indolence, surprised my parents ; they knew 
him as the author of Common Sense, who had written patriotically, and 
in those writings, promulged some moral and religious ideas, which induced 
them to believe he was an orthodox Christian. Indeed Paine, during the 
revolution, was careful to emit no irreligious dogmas, or any of his late dia- 
bolic ideas ; if he had, the good sense of the American people, their virtue, 
and unfeigned worship of the Deity, would have^ in those days, banished 
him from their country. Your grandfather's feelings a few months before 
his death (which occurred on the 15th of December, 1786), when speak- 
ing of the unbeliever (Paine), were truly poignant; for now the wretch's 
true character had began to open on the world. He lamented with tears 
that he had ever admitted him into his house, or had a personal acquaint- 
ance and intercourse with him. He was, from conviction, a sincere Christ- 
ian, converted by the scriptures; of a strong mind, and of a most tender 
conscience. 

Do not permit anything now said, to induce you to undervalue the saga- 
city of my father, for he was wise ; but of so benevolent a mind, that in 
the common affairs of life he held a principle in morality as true, which 
is by no mean generally received ; to wit, "That we should consider every 
one as possessing probity, until we discover him to be otherwise." Other 
gentlemen think differently. However, it may well be maintained that 
the side my father took on this topic, which I have often heard argued, 
accords with the true spirit of the gospel, the other side is stoicism. From 
these last observations, you will readily perceive how easy it was to impose 
on my father. This is the reason for his entertaining Paine. I have said 
that Paine was in indolent. Take this as an instance ; the Crisis, No. V, 



Campaign against Quebec ^ '775- ^^7 

for my part, not more than half a dozen of distinct faces 
came into my view while we staid here. We entered 
by the ground floor (that is by the cellar), the building 
on that side being built on the declination of the hill, 
which in this part of the city is very uneven. The 
apartments on our right, as we entered, seemed to be 
filled with governmental stores, and of provisions of all 
kinds. They made us ascend a large staircase into an 
upper story, where we were complimented with two 
sides, or rather a part of each of the two sides of the 
quadrangle. The whole building would have accomo- 
dated four thousand men. Monkish spirit must have 



is but a short political essay, to be sure of great skill in the composition, of 
much eloquent invective, strong reasoning, some historic anecdote, and a 
fund of ridicule which fitted the passions of the times. But recollect 
that this piece, to Paine, was a labor of three months in the inditing. It 
was written in my father's house. Mr. Rittenhouse inhabited the front 
room, in the upper story, where was the library. There he kept the 
office of the treasury of Pennsylvania. The room of Mr. Hart and Paine, 
was to the left hand as you come to the stair-head entering the library. 

When my wound in 1778 was so far mended, that hobbling on crutches, 
or by creeping up stairs (as you may have seen me of late years do), my 
greatest recreation in my distressed state of mind was to get into the cham- 
ber of Mr. Rittenhouse where the books were. There, his conversation, 
(for he was most affable), enlivened my mind, and the books would so 
amuse it, that it became calm, and some desperate resolutions were dis- 
solved. While that excellent man was employing his hours in the duties 
of his office, for the benefit of the people, Paine would be snoring away his 
precious time in his easy chair, regardless of those injunctions imposed upon 
him by congress, in relation to his political compositions. His remissness, 
indolence or vacuity of thought, caused great heart-burning among many 
primary characters in those days. I have heard the late George Bryan, 
Esq., then vice-president of the council, speak of his gross neglects with 
remarkable harshness. I would sometimes go into Paine's room, and sit 
with him. His Crisis, No. V, lay on his table, dusted j to-day three or 
four lines would be added, in the course of a week, a dozen more, and so 
on. No. V, is dated 21st March, 1778, but it was not published until some 
months after that date, and it was generally thought by good whigs, that 
it had been too long delayed. For my own part, I was so passionately en- 
gaged at heart, in the principles of our cause, that Paine's manner of living 
and acting, gave me a high disgust towards him. No idea could enter my 
mind, that any one in that njjble struggle could be idle or disengaged. As 
to myself, my sensations were such, that the example of a Decius might 
have been renewed. — Henry. 



128 Campaign against ^ebec^ ^775- 

been in high vogue, when so great a pile could be erected 
merely from the alms of the people, and that too, for so 
egregiously absurd a purpose. The ranges of the rooms, 
though extensive in the length of the galleries, were 
small in their size, being scarcely more than ten by 
twelve or fourteen feet. The galleries were about twelve 
feet wide ; many rooms were comfortable, others were 
dilapidated. Ten or a dozen of our poor fellows were 
compressed into one of these small rooms. So much 
the better, as it served to keep them the warmer. Boyd, 
Cunningham and a few of our intimates, took possession 
of a room near a large stove. The first week we slept 
most uncomfortably. Gracious God ! what did we not 
suffer. 

It was now that we fully learnt the destinies of our 
dear and revered general and his companions in death. 
But allow me before the detail of that sad story, to give 
you an anecdote. The merchants of Quebec, like those 
of England and our country, are a spirited ana generous 
sect in society ; they applied to Governor Carleton, and 
obtained leave to make us a " New Year's gift." This 
turned o'ut to be no other than a large butt of porter, at- 
tended by a proporti- nate quantity of bread and cheese. 
It was a present which exhilerated our hearts and drew 
from us much thankfulness. We shared more than a 
pint per man. 

General Montgomery had marched at the precise time 
stipulated, and had arrived at his destined place of attack, 
nearly about the time we attacked the first barrier. He 
was not one that would loiter. Colonel Campbell,' of 
the New-York troops, a large good-looking man, who 
was second in command of that party, and was deemed 
a veteran, accompanied the army to the assault ; his 
station was rearward, General Montgomery with his 
aids, were at the point of the column. 



' This was not my friend Col. Thomas Campbell of York (Penn.). He 
was fighting the battles of our country at Boston. — Henry. 



Campaign against ^ebec^ ^11 S- ^^9 

It is impossible to give you a fair and complete idea 
of the nature and situation of the place solely with the 
pen, the pencil is required. As by the special per- 
mission of government, obtained by the good offices ot 
Captain Prentis, in the summer following, Boyd, a few 
others and myself reviewed the causes of our disaster, 
it is therefore in my power, so far as my abilities will 
permit, to give you a tolerable notion of the spot. Cape 
Diamond nearly resembles the great jutting rock which 
is in the narrows at Hunter's falls, on the Susquehanna. 
The rock, at the latter place, shoots out as steeply as 
that at Quebec, but by no mean forms so great an angle 
on the margin of the river ; but is more craggy. There 
is a stronger and more obvious difference in the com- 
parison. When you surmount the hill at St. Charles, 
or the St. Lawrence side, which, to the eye are equally 
high and steep, you find on Abraham's plains, and upon 
an extensive champaign country. The birds-eye view 
around Quebec bears a striking conformity to the sites 
of Northumberland and Pittsburg, in Pennsylvania ; but 
the former is on a more gigantic scale, and each of the 
latter want the steepness and craggyness of the back 
ground, and a depth of rivers. This detail is to instruct 
you in the geographical situation of Quebec, and for the 
sole purpose of explaining the manner of General Mont- 
gomery's death, and the reasons of our failure. From 
Wolf's cove there is a good beach down to, and around 
" Cape Diamond." The bulwarks of the city came to 
the edge of the hill above that place. Thence down 
the side of the precipice slantingly to the brink of the 
river there was a stockade of strong posts, fifteen or 
twenty feet high, kn't together by a stout railing at 
bottom and top with pins. This was no mean defence, 
and was at the distance of one hundred yards from the 
point of the rock. Within this palisade, and at a few 
yards from the very point itself, there was a like palisade, 
though it did not run so high up the hill. Again, within 
Cape Diamond, and probablv at a distance of fifty yards. 



130 Campaign against ^ebec, 1775. 

there stood a block-house, which seemed to take up the 
space between the foot of the hill and the precipitous 
bank of the river leaving a cart way or passage on each 
side of it. When heights and distances are spoken of 
you must recollect that the description of Cape Diamond 
and its vicinity is merely that of the eye, made as it were 
running, under the inspection of an officer. The review 
of the ground our army had acted upon was accorded us 
as a particular favor. Even to have stepped the spaces in 
a formal manner would have been dishonorable if not a 
species of treason. A block-house if well constructed, 
is an admirable method of defence which in the process 
of the war to our cost was fully experienced. In the 
instance now before us (though the house was not built 
upon the most approved principles), yet it was a formida- 
ble object. It was a square of perhaps forty or fifty 
feet. The large logs neatly squared were tightly bound 
together by dove-tail work. If not much mistaken the 
lower story contained loop-holes for musketry, so narrow 
that those within could not be harmed from without. 
The upper story had four or more port holes for cannon 
of a large calibre. These guns were charged with grape 
or canister shot, and were pointed with exactness towards 
the avenue at Cape Diamond. The hero Montgomery 
came. The drowsy or drunken guard did not hear the 
sawing of the posts of the first palisade. Here, if not 
very erroneous, four posts were sawed and thrown aside 
so as to admit four men abreast. The column entered 
with a manly fortitude. Montgomery, accompanied by 
his aids, M'Pherson and Cheeseman, advanced in front. 
Arriving at the second palisade, the general with his own 
hands sawed down two of the pickets, in such a manner 
as to admit two men abreast. These sav/ed pickets 
were close under the hill and but a few yards from the 
very point of the rock out of the view and fire of the 
enemy from the block-house. Until our troops advanced 
to the point, no harm could ensue but by stones thrown 
from above. Even now, there had been but an imper- 



Campaign against ^ebec, IJJ^. 131 

feet discovery of the advancing of an enemy, and that 
only by the intoxicated guard. The guard fled, the 
general advanced a few paces. A drunken sailor re- 
turned to his gun, swearing he would not forsake it while 
undischarged. This fact is related from the testimony 
of the guard on the inorning of our capture, some of 
those sailors being our guard. Applying the match, this 
single discharge deprived us of our excellent commander.' 

Examining the spot, the officer who escorted us, pro- 
fessing to be one of those who first came to the place, 
after the death of the general, showed the position in 
which the general's body was found. It lay two paces 
from the brink of the river, on the back, the arms ex- 
tended — Cheeseman lay on the left, and M'Pherson on 
the right, in a triangular position. Two other brave 
men lay near them. The ground above described, was 
visited by an inquisitive eye, so that you may rely with 
some implicitness on the truth of the picture. As all 
danger from without had vanished, the government had 
not only permitted the mutilated palisades to remain, 
without renewing the enclosure, but the very sticks, 
sawed by the hand of our commander, still lay strewed 
about the spot. 

Colonel Campbell, appalled by the death of the gene- 
ral, retreated a little way from Cape Diamond, out of 
the reach of the cannon of the block house, and pre- 
tendedly called a council of officers, who, it was said, 
justified his receding from the attack. If rushing on, as 
military duty required, and a brave man would have done, 
the block-house might have been occupied by a small 
number, and was unassailable from without, but by can- 
non. From the block-house to the centre of the lower 
town, where we were, there was no obstacle to impede 
a force so powerful as that under Colonel Campbell. 



' I have related this as I received it — from my own linowledge, I can 
say nothing — I leave to the waild to determine the credibility the story is 
e:itlt'ed to. — H,r.yy. 



132 Campaign against ^ebec^ ^775- 

Cowardice, or a want of good will towards our cause, 
left us to our miserable fate. A junction, though we 
might not conquer the fortress, would enable us to make 
an honorable retreat, though with the loss of many valu- 
able lives. Campbell, who was ever after considered as 
a poltroon in grain, retreated, leaving the bodies of the 
general, M'Pherson and Cheeseman, to be devoured by 
the dogs. The disgust caused among us, as to Camp- 
bell, was so great as to create the unchristian wish that 
he might be hanged. In that desultory period, though 
he was tried, he was acquitted ; that was also the case 
of Colonel Enos, who deserted us on the Kennebec. 
There never were two men more worthy of punishment 
of the most exemplary kind. 

On the third or fourth of January, being as it were 
domesticated in the sergeant's mess, in the reguliers^ a 
file of men headed by an officer, called to conduct me 
to the seminary. Adhering to the advice of Colonel 
M'Dougal, the invitation was declined, though the hero 
Morgan had solicited this grace from Governor Carleton, 
and had sent me a kind and pressing message. My rea- 
sons, which were explained to Morgan, in addition to 
the one already given, operated forcibly on my mind. 
Having lost all my clothes in the wilderness, except 
those on my back, and those acquired by the provident 
and gratuitous spirit of General Montgomery, having 
remained at our quarters, and become a prey to the 
women and invalids of the army ; nothing remained 
fitting me to appear in company anywhere. Additionally, 
it had become a resolution, when leaving Lancaster, as 
my absence would go near to break the hearts of my 
parents, never to break upon my worthy father's purse. 
Dire necessity compelled me to rescind this resolution 
in part, in the wilderness, but that circumstance made 
me the more determined to adhere to the resolve after- 
wards. Again, my intimate friends were not in the 
seminary. Steele was in the hospital, and Simpson, by 
previo"? conitranr'. on the cha''!''^.'nn; Isle of Orleans, 



Campaign against ^ebec, 1775. 133 

which, from its fruitfulness had become, as it were, our 
store-house.' Add to all these reasons ; it could not 
be said of the gentlemen in the seminary "they are my 
intimates," except as to Captain Morgan, and Lieutenant 
F. Nichols of Hendrick's. Besides my leather small- 



* In former times, as now, lying was in vogue, but mcthinks within the 
last thirty years there has been vast improvements in the art. Receive 
information of two instances, which were somewhat remarkable in those 
days. Simpson, one of the most spirited and active of officers — always 
alert — always on duty, was traduced and vilified for a want of courage, be- 
cause he was not taken a prisoner at Quebec. This small canton (Paxton), 
was bursting with the falsehoods propagated on this subject. On the other 
hand, Captain M. Smith, our commander, was applauded for his immense 
bravery shown in the attack of that place, when in fact, he was on the 
isle of Orleans, many miles distant from the city. Simpson had been 
commanded to that place by a regular order from Colonel Arnold. Captain 
Smith skulked thither illicitly. Here is a fac-simile, as to orthography of 
Arnold's order to Lieut. Simpson, which I took from the original now in 
his possession. On my part, it seems to be a duty to make it known to 
you in justification of an excellent patriot, one of my friends from early 
youth. 

" Lieut. Simpson, 

"Sir : — You are to proceed to Orleans, and take charge of the men there, 
and keep all provisions from going to town ; you will be assiduous in gain- 
ing the esteem of the inhabitants, who are now complaining that they have 
been treated in a rigorous manner ; for provisions or assistance you receive 
from them, you will pay them the value, or give orders on me for the 
same. I make no doubt but you will endeavor to cultivate the friend- 
ship of the people as far as is consistent with your duty. You will be care- 
ful to keep ycur men under strict discipline, and not sufl^er them to have 
too much liquor. I am told there has been open house kept there. You 
will use as much economy as is consistent with our circumstances. 
" I am, Sir, Your humble servant, 

" B. Arnold, Col." 

" December 29, 1775." 

[This rigor was administered by a William Cross, our third lieutenant, 
with as free a hand as he was lax in his principles of morality. Cross was 
a handsome little Irishman, always neatly dressed, and commanded a detach- 
ment of about twenty men. The Canadian gentlemen who came as agents 
from the islanders on this occasion, stated that Cross had extorted from 
them their wines and other liquors, and all kinds of provisions, which he 
lavished on worthless people ; making no compensation for his exactions. 
This was rigor indeed ! for the people of the isle were our friends. In 
short, this unworthy officer kept " open house," and had a short, but a 
luxurious and merry reign over that charming spot. He was not with us 
at the attack of the city, but gaily danced his way to quarters.] 

12 



134 Campaign against ^ebec^ ^11 S' 

clothes, all in fritters, had been cast away, and a savage 
covering adopted, until more auspicious times came. But 
even now, an idea of" escape and vengeance inflamed the 
breasts of many, and we were here in a much superior 
situation for such a purpose, than that of the seminary. 
More of this hereafter. All these facts and circum- 
stances, induced an evasion of the friendly solicitation 
of the kind-hearted Morgan. 

On the third day of our capture, the generous Carle- 
ton despatched a flag to Arnold, to obtain what trifling 
baggage we had left at our quarters ; mine was either 
forgotten, or miserable as it was, had been plundered ; 
but as govA luck would liave it, the knapsack of one 
Alexander Nelson of our company, who was killed when 
running to the first barrier, was disclaimed by all of our 
men. Your father in consequence, laid violent hands 
upon the spoil. It furnished Boyd and myself, with a 
large, but course blue blanket, called a stroud and 
a drummer's regimental coat. The blanket became a 
real comfort, the coat an article of barter. It was on 
this day that my heart was ready to burst with grief, at 
viewing the funeral of our beloved general. Carleton 
had, in our former wars with the French, been the friend 
and fellow-soldier of xMontgomery . Though political opin- 
ion, perhaps ambition or interest, had thrown these 
worthies on different sides of the great question, yet the 
former could not but honor the remains of his quondam 
friend. About noon, the procession passed our quarters. 
It was most solemn. The coffin covered with a pall, 
surmounted by transverse swords — was borne bv men. 



Smith wrote, but Simpson acted. A letter from Smitli to a worthy and 
patriotic clergyman, the Rev. Mr. Elder, of Paxton, which was filled with 
bombast and trash, and stutfed with the most flagrant untruths j that he 
was in the " midst of the battle, covered by smoke ; bullets of all sizes 
playing around him, etc, etc.," every word of which was fabulous. This 
person was among the last of those savage men who murdered the inno- 
cent and unoffending Indians in the jail of the town we now live in. They 
have all died miserably ; but a few remaining to relate the anecdote of the 
occurrence of that horrible massacre. — Henry. 



Campaign against ^ebec^ ^775- ^3S 

The regular troops, particularly that fine body of men, 
the seventh regiment, with reversed arms, and scarfs on 
the left elbow, accompanied the corpse to the grave. 
The funerals of the other officers, both friends and 
enemies, were performed this day. From many of us 
it drew tears of affection for the defunct, and speaking 
for myself, tears of greeting and thankfulness, towards 
General Carleton. The soldiery and inhabitants ap- 
peared affected by the loss of this invaluable man, though 
he was their enemy. If such men as Washington, 
Carleton and Montgomery, had had the entire direction 
of theadverse war, the contention in the event might have 
happily terminated to the advantage of both sections of 
the nation. M'Pherson, Cheeseman, Hendricks, Humph- 
reys, were all dignified by the manner of burial. 

On the same, or the following day, we were com- 
pelled (if we would look), to a more disgusting and 
torturing sight. Many carioles, repeatedly one after the 
others, passed our dwelling loaded with the dead, whether 
of the assailants or of the garrison, to a place, emphat- 
ically called the dead-house. Here the bodies were 
heaped in monstrous piles. The horror of the sight to 
us southern men, principally consisted in seeing our com- 
panions borne to interment uncoffined, and in the very 
clothes they had worn in battle ; their limbs distorted in 
various directions, such as would ensue in the moment 
of death. Many of our friends and acquaintances were 
apparent. Poor Nelson lay on the top of half a dozen 
other bodies — his arms extended beyond his head, as if 
in the act of prayer, and one knee crooked and raised, 
seemingly, when he last gasped in the agonies of death. 
Curse on these civil wars which extinguish the sociabili- 
ties of mankind, and annihilate the strength of nations. 
A flood of tears was consequent. Though Montgomery 
was beloved because of his manliness of soul, heroic 
bravery and suavity of manners ; Hendricks and Hum- 
phreys, for the same admirable qualities, and especially 
for the endurances we underwent in conjunction, which 



136 Campaign against Quebec ^ ^11 S' 

enforced many a tear ; still my unhappy and lost brethren, 
though in humble station, with whom that dreadful wild 
was penetrated, and from whom came many attentions 
towards me, forced melancholy sensations. From 
what is said relative to the dead-house you might con- 
clude that General Carleton was inhumane or hard- 
hearted. No such thing. In this northern latitude, at 
this season of the year, according to my feelings (we 
had no thermometer), the weather was so cold, as usually 
to be many degrees below zero. A wound, if mortal, 
on even otherwise, casts the party wounded in the snow ; 
if death should follow, it throws the sufferer into various 
attitudes, which was assumed in the extreme pain accom- 
panying death. The moment death takes place, the 
frost fixes the limbs in whatever situation they may then 
happen to be, and which cannot be reduced to decent 
order, until they are thawed. In this state, the bodies 
of the slain are deposited in the dead-house hard as 
ice. At this season of the year, the earth is frozen from 
two to five feet deep, impenetrable to the best pick-axe, 
in the hands of the stoutest man. Hence you may per- 
ceive a justification of the dead-house. It is no new 
observation, that " climates form the manners and habit- 
udes of the people." 

January 4th, on the next day, we were visited by 
Colonel Maclean, an old man, attended by other officers, 
for a peculiar purpose, that is, to ascertain who among 
us were born in Europe. We had many Irishmen, and 
some Englishmen. The question was put to each ; 
those who admitted a British birth, were told they must 
serve his majesty in Colonel Maclean's regiment, a new 
corps, called the emigrants. Our poor fellows, under 
the fearful penalty of being carried to Britain, there to be 
tried for treason, were compelled by necessity, and many 
of them did enlist. Two of them, very brave men, Ed- 
ward Cavenaugh and Timothy Conner, deserve to be 
named, because of a particular occurrence which hap- 
pened shortly afterwards. These two men, among 



Campaign against ^ebec^ ^775- ^37 

others, called upon me for my advice how to act. Being, 
at that time, neither a lawyer nor a casuist, they had my 
opinion according to the dictates of nature, and some 
slight reading. That is, that they should enlist, for a 
constrained oath, as theirs would be, could not be bind- 
ing on the conscience : and by all means to join our 
army as soon as practicable. They enlisted under the 
notion that the oath was non-obligatory, and a hope of 
a speedy return to their sweet-hearts and wives. Allow 
me here to recount, by anticipation, the residue of the 
adventures of " honest Ned." It is due to him, for he 
saved my life, and that of Simpson, on the Dead river. 
Towards the end of January, Cavenaugh and Conner 
happened to compose a part of the same guard at palace 
gate, where the walls are from thirty to forty feet high, 
independently of the declivity of the hill. Cavenaugh 
was stationed as a sentry in conjunction with one oi the 
British party, Conner had procured a bottle of rum ; 
coming to the station, he drank himself, and presented 
the bottle to the British sentry. While the latter was 
in the act of drinking, Cavenaugh gave him a push with 
the butt of his musket, which stunned and brought him 
to the earth. Taking his arms, they sprung over the 
wall into a bed of snow, perhaps twenty-five feet deep. 
This averment concerning the depth ot the snow, may 
appear problematical, as we know nothing like it in our 
climate. Form no definitive opinion until you have 
heard the reasons why it does happen. As you may re- 
collect several instances in this memoir, where the 
asperity of a Quebec winter is intimated, and a descrip- 
tion of its effects attempted — such as frequent snow 
storms and fierce winds. In the month of January, 
particularly, when the snow has increased to a depth of 
seven feet over the face of the country, notwithstanding 
the shining of the sun, the cold is so great, that those 
winds drive the snow daily against the high ramparts of 
the cit)», where it forms a compact mass — the last 
stratum being light and dry, as the finest sand, which 



138 Campaign against ^ebec^ 1775. 

may be whirled by the wind. Cavenaugh and Conner 
leaped mid-deep into such a soft bed. Their disadvan- 
tage consisted in sinking too deep ; the height of the 
leap, plunging them deeper than ordinary walking would 
do, made it difficult for them to extricate themselves. 
The relief guard came in time to give them a volley, as 
they were scampering away. Thanks to God, my worthy 
Irishmen escaped unharmed, though as they passed 
through St. Roque, they were complimented by several 
discharges of cannister and grape shot. This was the 
first notice we had of the escape of our daring friends. 
We heard next morning, all the minutiae from those who 
guarded us. Cavenaugh is still alive — is laborious, and 
has a large family of children, who are respectable in 
their way. You cannot conceive the joyousness of my 
heart, when hearing of him in my peregrinations a few 
years since, in the mountainous parts of York county. 
The pittance then spared him, it is hoped, will make you 
never the poorer. The assembly of Pennsylvania have 
granted him a pension for which that honorable body 
have my most fervent blessings. Old age and decrepi- 
tude, by the extremity of our sufferings, is brought upon 
us long before the ordinary allotments of nature. We 
served our country faithfully, and at this late day it is 
really pleasant to observe the spirit of the public, inclined 
to compensate the veterans of 1775 and 1776. So much 
for my preserver " honest Ned," which epithet he still 
bears among his neighbors, by whom, bating a venial 
vice, he is esteemed. Timothy Conner, on the con- 
trary, possessing the art of acquiring wealth, married, 
had a competency, but lost it subsequently by his vices, 
which bore a strong affinity to gross criminality. 

By the middle of January, we were settled down into 
a state something like household order : those who could 
economize, fared tolerably well, though they could have 
used more. Our daily provision consisted of a biscuit 
made of a coarse meal, from something like our chopped 
rye ; very often chaff or straw, half an inch in length, 



Campaign against ^uebec^ lyjS- ^39 

was found in this species of bread. A biscuit of the 
size of a cake of gingerbread, now sold with us for a 
cent, was the daily allowance of this article ; half a pound 
of pork, or three-quarters of a pound of beef, though 
these were much salted, even so as to be uncomforta- 
ble — they were of Irish preparation, perhaps for the 
sea-service: a competent allowance of butter, originally 
fine, yet now rancid ; candles, molasses, and even 
vinegar : this last article, so long as it could be afforded 
us, was a preservative from the disorders which un- 
wittingly we were imbibing daily. Knowing the diffi- 
culties under which the garrison lay — foes at the gates, 
and an uncertainty of succor ; the governor was thought 
of by me, with similar allowances, that ought to be 
made to our own generals, in circumstances of such 
pincliing necessity. From all information attainable on 
our part, we were as well treated as those of the garrison, 
who lived on the same kinds of food, except as to liquor, 
which deprivation was more beneficial than injurious to 
our men It is grateful to my heart, now to remember 
and repeat, the benevolent sensations this mildness and 
humanity created in my mind, towards the virtuous, the 
amiable and venerable Carleton. He was a genuine 
representative of the gentility of the Irish nation, which 
is so deservedly famous for the production of real heroes, 
patriotic statesmen, and a generosity and suavity of 
manners. He was of great candor, uprightness and 
honor, and full of the spirit of philanthropy, which marks 
the real gentleman. He made us several visits, in all 
of which he seemed merely to have a solicitude for our 
welfare, without any sinister view, such as a seduction 
from our principles, etc. That he granted us every 
accommodation his trying situation authorized, there 
can be no doubt. Shortly after the time now spoken of, 
we were conducted to the Dauphin jail. Before we quit 
the ReguUers^ admit me to state to you something more, 
relating to our manner of living there. My youthful 
appetite required and demanded a greater quantity of 



140 Campaign against ^ebec^ ^775- 

food than we then enjoyed. We wanted spoons, not 
only in our own mess, but throughout the whole corps. 
There was no n.oney among us to purchase such an 
implement, and if there had been, and opportunity had 
offered, it is likely the jealousy of government would 
have deprived us of them, if formed of metal of any 
kind. 

One day being at the unloading a cord of wood, a 
birch stick, the only piece of hard wood in the load, was 
eagerly laid hold of, and borne to the mess-room ; from 
this, a wooden spoon was soon formed for my own use. 
Lobscouse made a part of our diurnal food. This term, 
though vulgar, conveys to one, who, when hungry, has 
tasted the dish, some agreeable ideas. Among soldiers 
and sailors, it is esteemed equal to the o/ia podrida 
of the Spaniards, and nearly so to the speck and oyer ' 
of the Germans; it is certainly more nourishing than 
what the latter call water soup^ and even meal 
soup. We put our vile biscuit into a tin vessel, with 
a sufficient quantity of water, and permitted it to stew 
on the stove, until there was a perfect mucilage, some 
thin slices of bacon fat (the reserve of the last meal), 
were then added ; or some of the skimmings of the 
boilers, but most usually the rancid butter (which was 
thus made palatable) : when these substances were well 
incorporated with the biscuit; a few spoon-fulls of 
molasses finished the dish. This was the ordinary 
breakfast, and a good one, when we could spoon it into 
our mouths. My spoon therefore, was an article in great 
demand, and of prime necessity. The production of one 
spoon, created a desire for more ; they were manu- 
factured in abundance, by the means of two knives — 
a great and a small, but always disposed of for biscuit. 
Spoons were made as large as small ladles, some with a 
deer at full stretch, a hound pursuing — an Indian 
sitting — a beaver — and twenty other devices were in- 



' Spek en eijeren, ham and eggs, or eggs and bacon. — M. 



Campaign against ^uebeCy 1775. 141 

vented, and tolerably well carved. Some came to five 
biscuits, some to ten, and one in particular at twenty, 
which my friends thought worthy of the acceptance of 
the governor, but care was taken not to present it. 
Boyd and Cunningham carefully furnished the wood. 
Thus we could exist pretty well on our slender diet. 
But we had other resources, which were by no means 
neglected. Henry Crone, a well bred young man, 
descended from a worthy and respectable family of York 
county, Pennsylvania, much my senior, but who was 
known to me during his apprenticeship at Lancaster, had 
dissipated a good fortune at the gaming-tables ; he was 
a sergeant of Hendricks'. Miserable as was our predica- 
ment, the demon of play had intruded itself among us, 
though there was neither money nor clothing but that 
upon our backs, and our daily provisions to sport with. 
The play was for biscuit, and most usually at a game 
called all-fours^ in which Crone was a real adept. 
He was a droll dog, and much inclined to play with and 
beat the Yankees, as he termed them. Many mornings, 
being compelled by the inclemency of the season to 
leave our uncomfortable beds, pacing the avenues in front 
of our cells for exercise and warmth, drawing aside the 
curtain of the gambling room door, which was no other 
than a thread-bare blanket. Crone was seen and heard, 
with bleared eyes and a vociferous voice, after a night's 
sitting, contending for a biscuit, with as much spirit and 
heat, as most probably he had done in former times for 
fiftv or a hundred dollars. The passion of gaming, is 
almost an inexplicable trait in the human character, the 
poor, the rich, the savage and the civilized, are equally 
its devotees. The greatest and the least are alike 
subject to its fascinations. Crone, poor dog, was one 
of the devoted. 

Montgomery, in his care for Arnold's party, besides 
an excellent blanket coat, had assigned to each man a 
new red regimental coat of the seventh, or some other 
regiment, stationed in the upper country. This clothing 



142 Campaign against ^ebec, 1775. 

had been seized at Montreal. Crone, in the division, had 
fared well. He had obtained a large superfine broad- 
cloth coat, such as is worn bv the sergeant-major of the 
British army, which " fitted him like a shirt." He was 
so totally devoid of care, that he never once applied to 
the tailors of the army, who were employed by the pub- 
lic, to fit the coat to his back, and to sew it regularly. 
What was still more laughable, he had no pockets to 
this coat, unless you may call the flannel such, which 
interiorly lined the lappets, and bore the appearance of 

laree haes dangling about his heels. Crone was facetious 

0000 ^ _ 

and clever ; he had an affection for me. Often about 
daylight he would come to mv blanket and waken me, and 
shake the lappets of his coat. He would say " Damme 
Jack, here's something for you," and would force upon 
me ten, fifteen, and several times, even thirty biscuits. 
With all his vices he bore a great share of my esteem, 
for the goodness of his heart. When ill-luck occurred, 
there was a refunding on my part, but it seldom hap- 
pened. Our other resource was William M'Coy, a 
sergeant of Hendricks' an excellent clerk, who came 
into favor of the governor, by giving to Major Murray, 
of the garrison, a genuine copy of his journal of the route 
through the wilderness into Canada. He was a sedate 
and sensible man. He was installed clerk of the 
kitchen, and put me much in mind of Gil Bias' clerk. 
The cook, whom M'Coy patronized was a very Boni- 
face in accomplishments and a Sancho Panza in rotundity. 
He was of Thayer's or Dearborn's company. Believe 
me that these two men were courted by our hungry 
wights among the soldiery, with as much eagerness and 
solicitude, and often sycophancy, as would have been 
the case had they been the ministers of a great state. 
What could you suppose to be the object of such ser- 
vility ? To explain — the boiling utensils were two 
very large coppers. A boiling of pork, produced a great 
quantity of liquid fat, which the men called slush. The 
skimmings constituted the importance of the cook, who 



Campaign against ^ebec^ ^775- '43 

made a profit from it by selling it to certain tradesmen 
of the city. A half pint of this slush was a good succe- 
daneum for better food, to a mess of six stout men. 
It, with the molasses, formed an excellent lobscouse. 
Oleaginous matter, next to bread, is, however, the 
great support of the animal functions, and even su- 
perior to bread, to sustain life, and gratify the palate. 
Here you see the real ground of the causes of distinctions 
in society. The cook possessing this perquisite, com- 
manded his applicants for additional food, with an un- 
warrantable austerity. As to our mess, it was strong in 
habits of intimacy with M'Coy, ivho was one of us. The 
cook was far below our notice. Friend M'Coy gave 
us every advantage our melancholy situation afforded 
him. This minute information is given to you, to in- 
spire you with a disgust towards war of any kind. As 
to my sons, if the liberties of our country ever be invaded, 
it is humbly hoped, under the protecting hand of Provi- 
dence, that they will always be ready and active to rally 
round the standard of Freedom, the principles of which 
we derived from our forefathers, whose blood freely 
flowed in its defence. 

Coming to the Dauphin jail, escorted by the military, 
we found it well accommodated for our lodgment. 
There were four rooms below, and as many above 
stairs, all capacious and well supplied with berths or 
bulks, in the common method of barracks. Our com- 
pany taking the right our preceder^y in the procession 
gave us, assumed the possession of a room in the third 
story, which was in truth the very best. Morgan's 
took a room immediately below us ; Hendrick's one 
adjoining ; but remember that at this time we were re- 
duced most lamentably by killed, wounded and missing. 
Many were in the hosj^itiil. Out of sixty-five who 
came on Abraham's plains in November, we had 
scarcely more than thirty left with us in prison. The 
fire of the enemy and disease had so thinned us. Mor- 
gan's gallant men fared worse. Like the eastern people 



144 Campaign against ^ebec^ ^11 S- 



% 



before and at that period, they detested the introduction 
of the small-pox into their country by inoculation. Now 
they were its victims. Less than twenty-five of the 
privates of that company regained their native homes. 
They were originally as elegant a body of men as ever 
came within my view.' To use the style of my friend 
Simpson, " they were beautiful boys, who knew how to 
handle and aim the rifle." Indeed many of them, adroit 
young men, courageous and thorough going, became 
the subjects of death by that virulent disease, both with- 
out and within the city. We of Pennsylvania had no 
fears from that source. 1 his disease had visited us in 
youth, cither naturally or by inoculation. This observ- 
ation which is a serious one, should convey to your 
minds the immensity of the discovery of the inoculation 
of the kine pock, by Doctor Jenner. The discovery of 
the causes ot lightning, its dreadful effects, the means of 
avoiding its power by the celebrated Franklin, our 
countiyman, is (as it concerns the happiness of man, 
speaking diffidently), perhaps inferior in importance to 
that of Jenner. The Jennerian discovery tends to save 
the lives of millions, the Franklinian of hundreds. But 
all lovers of natural philosophy are compellable to ac- 
knowledge that the identity of the electric fluid, obtained 
artificially, with that of the clouds, has given a wider 
scope to human thought than the recency of the Jenner- 
ian discovery has as yet afforded. There can be little 
doubt, that in a succession of years, some gigantic gen- 
iuses of the medical profession, will improve and extend 
the benefits of the happy disclosure, 

At the Dauphin jail our notions of escape were 



'In the spring of the year 1776, our army was reduced by decease of 
men, or debilitation of body, so that they could not act effectively, and in 
the eyes of the world, a disreputable retreat took place, which it was not 
then quite prudent to explain. Now it may be safely asserted, that great 
numbers of the soldiers inoculated themselves for the small-pox, by lacerat- 
ing under the finger nails, by means of pins or needles, either to obtain an 
avoidance of duty, or to get over that horrible disorder in an easy and 
tpeedy way. — Henr\. 



Campaign against ^ebec^ ^11 S' H5 

strengthened. The prison may be three huudred yards 
from St. John's gate, the interval at that time was free 
from buildings. From without the building appeared 
formidable. The courtyard was very contracted for so 
large a house, and was encompassed by a strong stone 
wall at least twenty feet high. The windows and doors 
were seemingly by their bars impenetrable. But what 
cannot men of true spirit effect when made the subjects 
of oppression ? Opposite to the jail, across the street 
leading to St. John's gate, at a distance of forty yards 
there stood a house which became the station of the 
guard who superintended us. In the first of our im- 
prisonment we were attended by the regular troops, or 
sailors, who were embodied by government as soldiers, 
but now the guard (as our force without had made a firm 
stand), was replaced by the militia, who were the most 
inert and despicable of military men. The sentries were 
stationed on the outside of the jail ; we had no witnesses 
of our conduct within, except the captain of the provost, 
who did not pry with a suspicious eye. He was a gen- 
erous and open-hearted enemy — had no guile himself, 
nor imputed it to others. The principal defence on this 
side of the city, as it regarded our attempt at evasion, lay 
at and near St. John's gate. The guard here was most 
usually composed of thirty men of the regular troops or 
sailors. They would have given us a hustle but of a 
certainty we should have overpowered them by the force 
of numbers as stout and as able bodied men as themselves 
whose courage was not to be questioned, though there 
was a great difference in the nature of our respective 
arms. Having examined the jail carefully, its imbecility 
to restrain us was apparent. It was an old French 
building in the Bastile style. The walls of stone, and 
more than three feet thick, were impenetrable by any 
of our means. Upon examining the bars of the windows, 
which were originally ill-constructed, many were found 
so much corroded as to move up and down in the sockets. 
These could be taken out. The mildness of Governor 
13 



146 Campaign against ^ebec^ ^11 S- 

Carleton's reign seemed not to require a strict inspection 
into places of this kind. About this time a selected 
council was called, of which your father had the honor 
to be one, and was chiefly composed of the sergeants. 
The present Major Joseph Aston, of Lamb's artillerists, 
then a sergeant-major had the presidency. Our dis- 
coveries were disclosed, the means of escape considered, 
and a consultation of the men recommended. This was 
done, and there was not a dissentient voice. At the 
stair head there was a small room lighted by a small 
window ; the door was locked. Peeping through the 
keyhole large iron hoops were discovered ; the spring of 
the lock kindly gave way to our efforts, the room was 
ransacked ; and as neatly closed. The room furnished 
us with a large number of strong iron-hoops, two and 
three inches broad, and a considerable quantity of other 
iron, of different shapes and sizes deposited there as 
lumber. From the first of these articles we formed a 
rough, but weighty species of sword with a wooden 
handle, a blow from which, in the hands of one of our 
stout men would have brought down one of the stoutest 
of the enemy. The residue of the iron was applied to 
formation of spear-heads. These were affixed to splits 
of fir-plank, about ten feet in length, which had formed 
in part, the bottoms of the lower berths. These weapons, 
it is true, were of the coarsest make, yet in the hands of 
men determined to sacrifice their lives for freedom, they 
would have had a considerable sway. Our long knives, 
which many of us secreted when captured, also became 
spear-points. These weapons were concealed under the 
lower range of berths, which were raised a foot from the 
floor. The planks were neatly raised, the nails were 
extracted, and the nail-head with a part of its shank, 
placed in its former position. Over these lay our 
blankets and bundles. It was a standing rule to have 
two sentries constantly on the watch, one at each end of 
the interior of the jail. Their duty consisted in giving 
a signal of the approach of the officers of the garrison. 



Campaign against ^ebec^ 1775* '47 

who were in the habit of visiting us daily, as there were 
shoemakers and tailors among us, who worked cheaper 
than those of the city, merely for the purpose of bettering 
their condition. There was policy in this watchfulness. 
When the signal was given the inner doors were thrown 
open, those appointed for the purpose laid upon the berth 
which hid our arms, as if in a drowsy state. The officers 
were accosted with assumed confidence, and much com- 
plaisance. The council met daily, sometimes in small 
squads, and when anything of much consequence was 
to be considered in larger ; but at all times secretly, or 
at least not obviously as a council, from a fear of traitors, 
or some indiscretion of the young men. Our arrange- 
ments, so far as my judgment could discern, were judicious. 
Aston was to act as general, M'Coy and some others 
became colonels. Boyd and others of the most spirit 
became majors, captains, lieutenants, etc. That which 
cheered me much was that the council assigned me a 
first lieutenancy under my friend Boyd, whose vigor and 
courage were unquestionable. 

The plan of the escape was thus : Aston, who was 
an excellent engineer, was to have the particular superin- 
tendency of Lamb's company, which to a man was well 
informed in their duty, active and spirited. These were 
to be increased to a band of one hundred and fifty men, 
whose duty it was to attack the guard at St. Johr/s gate. 
The attack of the guard opposite the jail was assigned to 
the discretion of Boyd, Cunningham and myself; the 
council generously giving us the authority of a first 
selection of twenty two persons, from the whule body 
of our men. The residue of our force was so disposed 
of as to act as a body of reserve to Aston, under the 
command of M'Coy, and another smaller body was 
reserved to support Boyd, particularly by way of setting 
fire to the jail, the guard house, and the buildings in its 
neighborhood, to amuse or employ the enemy, while we 
were running to St. John's gate. It was expected we 
could arrive there by the time Aston and his party 



148 Campaign against ^ebec, 1775- 

would be victorious. Our paiticular duty was of the 
desperate kind, something of the nature of the " forlorn 
hope." Nothing but the virtue and bravery of our 
comrades could ensure the safety of our lives ; for if 
they should arrive at St. John's gate, and discomfit the 
guard, and if then seeking safety by flight, they would 
leave us to the mercy of an enraged enemy, who would 
sacrifice us to their fury. But there has been too much 
precipitation in the relation. Previously to the last 
observations, besides being told of our force, our weapons, 
and our military plans, you should have been informed 
also, of the real site of the jail, of its internal structure, 
from which the sally was to be made. The Dauphin 
jail is built on a plain, pretty much declined towards the 
street. It follows that the front of the lower story, 
that is the cellars, was on a level with the street. The 
back ground was ten or twelve feet higher. In the 
cellar, near the foot of the stairway, there was a plente- 
ous fountain of water, which supplied the house. The 
conduits leading from the spring, by the severity of the 
weather, were impeded by ice, so that the water, in great 
quantity remained in the cellar, which with the additional 
carelessness of our people, who cast the rinsing of their 
buckets. on the floor of the apartment, formed a bed of 
ice a foot thick, and very firm and solid. This cellar 
had a door newly made of strong pine plank, five feet 
in width, which opened inwards, the sill was level with 
the street. The door was hung upon H hinges of a 
large size, fixed on the inside, exposed to our view and 
operations. But what was still more absurd, the door 
was hasped within and secured by a large pad lock. 
Close inspection and thoughtfulness had made the mem- 
bers of the council, by the means they enjoved, perfect 
masters of those hinges and the lock; they would not 
have stood a second of time. The principal obstacle 
was the ice which was raised fully a foot against the 
door. Even this would have given way to our ingenuity. 
The whole of our plan was well laid, and thoroughly 



Campaign against Quebec, ^71 5- ^49 

digested. That door was to be our sally port. Boyd 
preceding with our division, Aston and M'Coy following, 
they turning rapidly to the left for St. John's gate. The 
dislocation of the iron bars of the windows, was to 
ensue : all those which could be removed being known, 
were to become issues for our bravest men. Every 
man knew his station. It is an old and a trite observ- 
ation, that it is a difficult thing to describe a battle, so as 
to give a clear idea of all the causes and effects of each 
movement, without overloading and confusing the pic- 
ture. The same may be said of a conspiracy such as 
ours. Going through the entry from the front door 
into the jail yard, near the back door but still within the 
prison, there are two cavities opposite to each other, 
strongly walled and arched. We called them the black 
holes. On the outside of the building in the vard, these 
cavities assumed the forms of banks, ten or eleven feet 
high, and as wide ; and well sodded. With some address 
and agility a sprightly man could surpass either of them. 
The wall above those banks was probably ten feet 
higher. In the daytime we often climbed up the wall, 
by means of its interstices, from which the mortar had 
fallen in the course of time, to take a peep at the city, 
merely putting our eyes above the level of the top of it. 
A Mr. Martin, a hardy, daring and active young man, 
of Lamb's company, I think a sergeant, proposed to 
bear intelligence of our projects, to the American com- 
mander without the walls. His plan was approved. A 
time for irruption was named, though the day was not 
particularized. The signals to invite the advance of our 
army to St. John's gate, were the burning of the houses, 
and the firing of the guns of the ramparts towards the 
city. As yet, we were unprepared to move. This ex- 
pedition of Martin's was profoundly a secret among those 
of the council, from a fear that some bungler might at- 
tempt the same path, fail, and by his being taken, unveil 
our plots. Permit me a short episode on the escape of 
Martin. It was singularly adventurous, and the neatness 



150 Campaign against ^ebec^ ^11 S- 

of its execution renders it worthy of remark. I had the 
pleasure of hearing it recounted, in more happy times, at 
New York. Martin was dressed in warm clothing, 
with good gloves ; a white cap, shirt and overalls were 
prepared for him. He appeared in the jail yard among 
the prisoners, in his daily dress. The time of locking 
up, and calling the roll generally happened about sun- 
down. It was the business of the captain of the provost, 
who was accompanied by a file of men. The prisoners, 
instigated by those in the secret, employed themselves 
out of doors, until late in the evening, in play, as if to 
keep their bodies warm. It was a blowing and dreary 
evening, which was purposely chosen. At locking up, 
those in the secret lagged behind, tardily, pushing the 
uninformed before, yet so slowly, as effectually to crowd 
the gangway ; Martin remaining in the rear. The ope- 
ration took place at the clanging of the lock of the great 
front door. This measure was imagined and effected 
on purpose to procure to Martin a sufficiency of leisure 
to get to his hiding place, which was no other than a nook 
formed by the projection of the door way, and on the 
top of one of the banks before spoken of. Here he had 
time to put on his cap, shirt, etc. The officer who ex- 
amined the yard, could not perceive him, unless he went 
out of the door, several paces to the left, and most pro- 
bably, not even then, for Martin would be covered in 
the snow, and imperceptible. Happily the officer went 
no further than the threshold, and made but a slight sur- 
vey of the yard. This account, so far, is derived from 
my own knowledge ; what follows, is from Martin him- 
self. " Martin tarried there until seven or eight o'clock. 
The dilemma he was in, could only be surpassed in im- 
minence of danger, by his extreme activity, skill and 
courage. There were four sentries stationed around the 
jail — two at each corner in front, and the like number 
at the corners of the yard in the rear. Those sentries, 
though relieved every quarter of an hour, were soon 
driven into the sentry boxes, by the cold and keenness 



Campaign against Quebec ^ ^11 S- ^ 5 ^ 

of the whistling winds. If they had paced the spaces 
allotted them by duty, the escape of Martin must have 
been impossible. Watching the true time, he slipped 
down the wall into the deep snow underneath unobserved. 
Hence, he made a sudden excursion to the left of St. 
John's gate, at a part of the wall where he well knew 
no sentiy was placed. Leaping the wall, into the snow, 
he received the fire of a distant sentry. Martin was un- 
harmed. The soldier fired, as it were, at a phantom, 
for when Martin's body came into contact with the 
snow it was undiscernible — the desired information 
wa^ given ;" but of this, we could merely make surmises 
until the May following. That which is very remark- 
able is, that the absence of Martin was unknown to go- 
vernment, until the explosion of our plot. 

Our next solicitude was the acquisition of powder. 
This article could be obtained but by sheer address and 
shrewd management But we had to do with men who 
were not of the military cast. We began first to enter 
into familiarity with the sentries, joking with them and 
pretending to learn French from them. The guard, 
usually of Canadians, consisted of many old men, and 
young boys, who were very " coming.^'' A few small 
gun-carriages were constructed, not more than six 
inches in length, and mounted with cannon, or howit- 
zers, which were made of many folds of paper, and 
were bound tightly around with thread. These were 
shown to the sentries from time to time, and a little 
powder was requested, with which to charge them. Our 
berths formed an angle of the room. The upper berths, 
as well as the lower, had a ledge of several inches in 
height, in which embrasures were formed with the 
knite. Two parties were raised in opposition to each 
other, each of which took possession of one side of the 
angle. The blaze and report, which was nearly as great 
and as loud as that of small pistols, created much laughter 
and merriment. This sport, the child of a seeming folly, 
served us as a pretence and justification for soliciting 



152 Campaign against ^ebec^ ^11 i- 

powder. The apparent joy prevailing among us pleased 
the Canadians, both old and young, and did not alarm 
the government. We obtained many cartridges in the 
course of a (cv/ weeks, two-thirds of which came to the* 
hands of Aston and his corps, for the purpose of manu- 
facturing matches, etc., etc. Fire arms of any kind 
could not, by any finesse, be procured. The commerce 
of cartridges, accompanied by a suavity and deference 
of manners towards our young friends, procured us 
many quarters of nuunds of powder, which they bought 
secretly out of funds, some of which were procured in 
a ludicrous way. We had many sick in the hospital, 
for when any one appeared to be disordered in the least 
degree, he vv'as hurried to the infirmary, when cured, 
he was returned to us. Some of the men went so far 
as to feign sickness to get to that place, where they 
lived in a more sumptuous style than that of the jail. 
The frequent removals caused the propagation of a re- 
port that the prison was unhealthy. Many pious matrons 
came to see us, and never empty handed. Some 
elderly nuns, of respectable families, were of the number, 
and generally brought money, truly not great in quantity, 
but not the less acceptable to the sick and convalescent, 
as these alms procured them some slight comforts, such 
as tea, etc. These were the religious and humane col- 
lections of the sisterhood, and mostly consisted of the 
smallest change. There was a beautiful countenanced 
youth, Thomas Gibson, first sergeant of Hendricks, 
who had studied physic at Carlisle, Pennsylvania, allied 
to me by affinity, who had, probably from a knowledge 
he had of his profession, sustained his health hitherto ; 
his cheeks were blooming as roses. He was one of the 
council. As young men, we cared little about the 
means, so that we obtained the end, which was powder. 
We lived above stairs, and never shared in the gratuities 
of the ladies, which were rapaciously awaited at the 
entrance of the prison. Gibson and myself were 
Standing at a window near the great door, and opposite 



Campaign against Quebec, ^775- ^53 

to M'Coy's room, a neat little box which had been 
knocked up for his purposes. Looking into the street, 
a lady with a thick vail, was observed to take the path 
through the snow to our habitation. " Zounds, Gibson, 
there's a nun," was scarcely expressed, before he was 
hurried into M'Coy's apartment and put to bed, though 
dressed. Several of us waited respectfully at the door, 
till the officer of the guard unlocked it. The nun 
entered — she seemed, from her manners, to be genteel 
and respectable. We were most sedulous in our atten- 
tions to the lady, and so prevailed, as to induce her to 
come into M'Coy's room. Here lay Gibson, covered 
to the chin with the bed-clothes, nothing exposed but 
his beautiful hair and red cheeks, the latter indicating a 
high fever. It was well the lady was no physician. 
The nun crossing herself, and whispering a pater-noster, 
poured the contents of her little purse into the hand of 
the patient, which he held gently, without the blanketing, 
and left us. What should the donation be, but twenty- 
four coppers, equal at that time to two shillings of our 
money. The latter circumstance added much to the 
humor, and extreme merriment of the transaction. This 
money was solely appropriated for powder. Thus, 
careless of every thing but the means of escaping, we 
enjoyed many merry, and even happy hours. Aston, 
who was provident of time, by the middle of March 
(I have no note of the precise period), had all his matters 
of arrangement in good order. 

The council assigned a day for the irruption. As we 
dared not touch the door in the cellar, from a fear of 
discovery by inspection (and it was examined almost 
daily), it was determined to postpone the unloosing the 
hinges and lock, which were under our command, until 
the moment of escape. It became a main question how 
to remove the ice at the foot of the door. Here lay the 
great difficulty, as it was universally agreed that the door 
must be dragged down suddenly, so that we might march 
over it. Remember also, that a sentry was posted not 



154 Campaign against ^ebec, 1775. 

more than from fifteen to twenty feet from the outside 
of the door. Many propositions were made in council, 
how to effect the removal of the body of ice without 
exposure to detection. One was lightly to pirk it away 
with hatchets, a few of which had been secret y retained 
by the prisoners, and brought into the jail. To this, 
there were several insuperable objections ; the softest 
stroke of the lightest tomahawk upon the ice would be 
heard by a sentry so near ; or an unlucky stroke might 
touch the door which would resound and inevitably cause 
a discovery. Others proposed to wear away the ice by 
boiling water ; two most obvious objections lay here ; 
the steam would search for a vent through the crevices 
of the door and window, and develop our measures ; 
besides the extreme cold would have congealed the hot 
water the moment it fell, so as to add to our difficulties. 
Another idea was suggested that was " with knives to cut 
the door across on the surface of the ice ;" to this plan 
there was a fatal exception, the ice had risen on the lower 
cross-piece of the door nearly an inch, so that we must 
cut through the cross-piece lengthwise, and through the 
thick plank crosswise. Though this labor might have 
been accomplished by industry and perseverance, yet the 
time it would necessarily take would cause a discovery 
by the searchers. The last and only method to avoid 
discovery was adopted. This was to embody sixteen or 
eighteen of the most prudent men who knew the value 
of silence, who should, two and two, relieve each other, 
and with our long knives gently pare away the ice next 
the sill of the door, so as to make a groove of four or 
six inches wide, parallel with, and deep as the sill. The 
persons were named and appointed to this service. Now 
the capability ot the execution of our plot, infused com- 
fort and joy into all hearts. It was intended immediately 
after locking up, on the night of the irruption, that those 
prudent men, should descend into the vault by pairs, and 
by incessant labor have the work finished by three 
o'clock in the morning, when the sally should be made. 



Campaign against ^ebec, ^775- '^SS 

We had carefully noticed from the walls of the jail, and 
the ridge of the house where there is a trap-door, the 
placing of the guards, the numbers and stationing of the 
sentries. We were safe therefore, in the measures we 
had taken for the attack of the guard of St. John's gate. 
Our own guard was perfectly scrutinized. The oppor- 
tunities were of the most commodious kind. The guard- 
house was directly in our front, where we could see and 
be seen. Their windows had no shutters. They had 
lights all the night through ; we, the better to observe 
them, kept none. This latter circumstance, enabled us 
distinctly to see that the arms with fixed bayonets were 
placed in the right hand corner of the room, as we would 
enter from the stairhead, and that the guard towards 
morning to a man were lying asleep on the floor. The 
sentries as they were relieved, did the like. This 
guard, as was before said, in ordinary consisted of thirty 
persons. Boyd's party, from a perfect knowledge of 
their method of conducting, esteemed it no great hardi- 
ness to undertake the overwhelming them. Subsequently 
our danger must appear. The nights were piercingly 
cold — the sentries soon housed themselves in their 
boxes. As the sally, to succeed, must be most silent and 
quick, it was hoped to quiet all of them before any alarm 
could spread. Besides Boyd's division (the first rank of 
which, were to despatch the nearest sentry by the spear), 
others of the succeeding corps, were assigned to assail 
the rest of the sentries, immediately around the prison. 
The getting up the stairs of our guard-house so quickly 
as to create no alarm was not only feasible, but in my mind 
(with the force delegated to us), of absolute certainty of 
success. The front door was always open by night and 
by day, we knew the precise number of steps the stairs 
contained. An agile man would mount at three strides. 
A light was continually in the passage. Entering the 
room and turning to the right the arms in the corner 
were ours. The bayonet, from necessity, would become 
the lot of the guard. In this part of the enterprise pro- 



156 Campaign against ^ebeCy 1775. 

found silence was all important ; the section was to rely 
on the spear a.nd tomahawk. Aston on the other hand, 
being victorious at St. John's gate, was instantly to turn 
the cannon upon the city ; his fuses, portfire, etc., were 
prepared and ready as substitutes for those of the enemy, 
if they were extinguished or taken from the guns. It 
was known to us, that all the cannon of the ramparts 
were charged and primed, and boxes of ammunition and 
piles of balls in the vicinity of each gun, it was calculated 
that the execution of the business of our section, might 
be effected in at least fifteen minutes, together with the 
firing of the houses. Then running to support Aston 
and if he was victorious, to maintain our position on the 
walls, under a hope of the arrival of the American army 
from without. In that event St. John's gate, as a first 
measure, was to be opened. But if Aston should un- 
fortunately be beaten (which was most improbable,) then 
we were to fly in all directions, and make the adven- 
turous leap. It was supposed that in the latter case the 
hurry and bustle created by so sudden, unforseen and 
daring an attack, would throw the garrison into conster- 
nation and disorder, to so great a degree, as to admit the 
escape of many. Sluggards might expect to be massacred. 
The particularity of the foregoing details are purposely 
made to impress on your minds a single truth : "That 
the best imagined schemes and thoroughly digested de- 
signs, whether in military or civil life, may be defeated 
by a thoughtless boy, the interference of an idiot or a 
treacherous knave." Two lads from Connecticut or 
Massachusetts, whose names are now lost to my memory, 
prisoners with us, but who had no manner of connection 
or intercourse with the chiefs, nor knew the minute, yet 
essentia] parts of the measures of the council, but pro- 
bably having overheard a whisper of the time and 
manner of the evasion ; those young men, without con- 
sultation, without authority from their superiors, in the 
thoughtless ardor of their minds, on the eve of the sally, 
descended into the cellar, and with hatchets, picked at 



Campaign against ^ebec^ '^11 S- ^57 

the ice at the door-sill. The operation was heard. The 
sentry threatened to fire. The guard was instantly 
alarmed and immediately doubled, and all our long 
labored schemes and well digested plans, annihilated in 
a moment. You cannot form an adequate idea of the 
pangs we endured. My heart was nearly broken by the 
excess of surprise and burning anger, to be thus fatuit- 
ously deprived of the gladdenitig hope of a speedy return 
to our friends and country. It became us, however, to 
put the best face upon it. It was suddenly resolved by 
the chiefs to kill the person who should disclose the 
general plot, and to wait upon the officers on the ensu- 
ing morning, with our usual attentions. When morn- 
ing came, it found us afoot. About sunrise, the 
formidable inquisition took place. Major Murray, Cap- 
tain Prentis, the officer of the guard, and a dozen mus- 
keteers came, — we awaited their approach undismayed. 
They accosted us very coolly. The cellar was visited, 
and the work of those fools was apparent. Reascend- 
ing, we could assure the gentlemen that this effort to 
escape, was without the knowledge of any of us. This, 
to be .sure, was said in the Jesuitical style, but those who 
made the assertion, did not then know either the persons 
or the names of the silly adventurers. The officers and 
the guard were departing, fully persuaded that it was no 
more than the attempt of one or two persons to escape. 
Major Murray was the last to recede. An Englishman 
of whom we knew not that he was a deserter from our 
enemies at Boston, had posted himself close to the right 
jamb of the door, which was more than half opened for 
the passage of the major. Those of us who were de- 
termined to execute our last night's resolution, armed 
with our long knives, had formed a half circle around 
the door, without observing the intrusion and presence 
of the deserter. Major Murray was standing on the 
threshold, speaking in a kindly manner to us, when the 
villain sprung past the major, even jostling him. The 
spring he made, was so sudden and so entirely unsus- 
14 



158 Campaign against ^ebeCy 1775. 

pected, that he screened himself from our just vengeance. 
Touching Major Murray's shoulder, "Sir," says he, " I 
have something to disclose." The guards encompassed 
the traitor, and hurried him away to the governor's 
palace. We instantaneously perceived the extent and 
consequences of this disaster. The prisoners immedi- 
ately destroyed such of the arrhs as were too bulky 
to hide, if destructible, and secreted the rest. In an 
hour or two, a file of men with an officer, demanded 
Boyd, Cunningham and others, represented by the vile 
informer, as lukewarm in the plot. They were escorted 
to the governor's council. Here they found that the 
wretch had evidenced all our proceedings minutely, 
naming every one who was prominent. Our worthy 
compatriots were examined on oath, and as men of honor 
could not conceal the truth. The questions of the 
council (furnished by the informer), did not admit of 
equivocation or evasion, if the examinants had been so 
inclined, and besides all tergiversation, when the outline 
was marked, was nugatory. They boldly admitted and 
justified the attempt. We did not fare the worse in our 
provisions nor in the estimation of our enemy. Return- 
ing to the jail, my dear Boyd shed the tears of excruciat- 
ing anguish in my bosom, deploring our adverse fate. 
We had vowed to each other to be free or die, and to be 
thus foolishly baulked caused the most heart rending 
grief. Towards two o'clock p.m. were seen several heavy 
cart loads, consisting of long and weighty irons, such as 
bilboes, foot-hobbles and hand-cuff's, arrive. The pri- 
soners were ordered to their rooms. The ironing began 
below stairs with Morgan's company. Here the bilboes 
were expended. If not much mistaken, ten or twelve 
persons were secured, each by a foot to a bar twelve 
feet long, and two inches in diameter, The heavy bolts 
were exhausted in the story below us. When they 
came to our range of rooms, they turned to the left, in- 
stead of coming to the right where we were. By the 
time the officers came to us, even the handcuffs were 



Campaign against ^ebec^ ^11 S' ^S9 

nearly out. Each of us was obliged to take to his berth, 
which contained five men each. When they had 
shackled those of the lower berths, they commenced at 
one the most distant from ours. Slipping in the rear of 
my companions, bent down in apparent trepidation, the 
blacksmith ironed my messmates, and then called to me 
to descend and submit to his office. Coming — " Never 
mind that lad," said my friend Captain Prentis. They 
had but three or four pair of handcuffs left, which were 
clapped on the elderly and robust. Besides M'Coy, our 
Boniface the cook. Doctor Gibson, two others and my- 
self, who were unhampered, all the rest were, in appear- 
ance, tightly and firmly secured. Though M'Coy and 
Boniface were adepts at insurrection, yet their services 
were of too much importance to government to be dis- 
pensed with. The others of the unfettered remained 
so from the exhaustion of the shackles. A new species 
of interesting occurrences, mingled with much fun and 
sportive humor, now occurred, which was succeeded by 
a series of horrible anguish. The doors were scarcely 
closed, before we began to assay the unshackling. 
Those who had small hands, by compressing the palms, 
could easily divest the irons from their wrist. Of these 
there were many, who became the assistants of their 
friends, whose hands were larger. Here there was a 
necessity for ingenuity. Knives notched as saws, were 
the principal means. The head of the rivet, at the end 
of. the bar, was sawed off, it was lengthened and a screw 
formed upon it, to cap which a false head was made, 
either of iron or of lead, resembling as much as possible 
the true head. Again new rivets were formed, from 
the iron we had preserved in our secret hoards, from the 
vigilance of the searchers. These new rivets being 
made to bear a strong likeness to the old, were then cut 
into two parts — one part was driven into the bolt tightly, 
became stationary, the other part was immovable. It 
behoved the wearer of the manacle to look to it, that he 
did not lose the loose part, and when the searchers 



i6o Campaign against ^ebec^ ^775' 

came to examine, that it should stand firm in the orifice. 
Some poor fellow, perhaps from a defect of ingenuity, 
the hardness of the iron, or the want of the requisite 
tools, could not discharge the bilboes. This was par- 
ticularly the melancholy predicament of three of Mor- 
gan's men, whose heels were too long to slip throjgh 
the iron, which encompassed the small of the leg. It 
was truly painful to see three persons attached to a 
monstrous bar, the weight of which was above their 
strength to carry. It added to the poignancy of their 
sufferings, in such frigid weather, that their colleagues 
at the bar, having shorter heels, could withdraw the foot 
and perambulate the jail ; where their companions left 
them, there they must remain, seated on the floor, unless 
some kind hands assisted them to remove. . 

There was a droll dog from the eastward who was 
doubly unfortunate ; in the attack of the city he had 
received a spent ball in the pit of the stomach, which 
had nearly ended him ; now it became his lot to have an 
immense foot bolt fastened to his leg, without a com- 
panion to bear him company and cheer his lonely hours. 
This victim of persecution and sorrow would sometimes 
come among us in the yard, bearing up his bolt, slung 
by a cord hitched over his shoulder. Nothing could 
damp his spirits. He talked, laughed and sung inces- 
santly. Some others besides those, were similarly 
situated. Those who were so lucky as to have light 
hand cuffs, bore them about with them. The greatest 
danger of discovery arose from those who could free 
themselves from the heavy irons. The usual visitations 
were increased from twice to thrice a day, in the first 
and last the smith searched the bolts of each person. 
But there were other intrusions intermediately, by offi- 
cers evidently despatched by the suspicions of govern- 
ment, for the purpose of discovery. To counteract 
these new measures of caution and jealousy, we were 
well prepared. Sentries, on our part, were regularly 
stationed at certain windows of the jail, to descry the 



Campaign against ^ebec, IJJS' ^^} 

approach of any one in the garb of an officer. The 
view from these windows was pretty extensive down two 
of the streets, particularly that leading to the palace. 
Notwithstanding every caution to avoid detection, yet 
the clang of the lock of the great door, was upon some 
occasions the only warning given us of the impending 
danger. The scamperings at those times were truly 
diverting, and having always escaped discovery, gave us 
much amusement. The clanking of the fetters followed, 
and was terrible ; such as the imagination forms in child- 
hood, of the condition of the souls in Tartarus -, even 
this was sport. Happily our real situation was never 
known to any of the government officers ; unless the 
good blacksmith (a worthy Irishman, of a feeling heart), 
might be called such, and he was silent. 

Towards the middle of April the scurvy, which we had 
been imbibing during the winter, now made its appear- 
ance in its most virulent and deadly forms, preceded and 
accompanied by a violent diarrhoea. Many of those 
who were first affected were taken to the hospital. But 
the disease soon became general among us. We were 
attended several times by Doctor Maybin, the physician- 
general, who, by his tender attentions, and amiable man- 
ners, won our affections : he recommended a cleansing 
of the stomach, by ipecacuanha and mild cathartics, 
such as rhubarb, together with due exercise. Those 
who were young, active and sensible of the doctor's 
salutary advice, kept afoot, and practiced every kind of 
athletic sport we could devise. On the contrary, those 
who were supinely indolent, and adhered to their blankets, 
became objects of real commiseration — their limbs con- 
tracted, as one of mine is now ; large blue and even 
black blotches appeared on their bodies and limbs — the 
gums became black — the morbid flesh fell away — the 
teeth loosened, and in several instances fell out. Our minds 
were now really depressed. That hilarity and fun which 
supported our spirits in the greatest misfortunes, gave 
way to wailings, groanings and death. I know, from 



1 62 Campaign against ^ebec^ '^77 5- 

dire experience, that when the body suffers pain, the 
mind, for the time, is deprived of all its exhilarations — 
in short, almost of the power of thinking. The elbow 
joints, the hips, the knees and ancles were most severely 
pained. It was soon observed (though the doctor's 
mate attended us almost daily, and very carefully), there 
was little or no mitigation of our diseases, except that 
the diarrhoea, which was derived from another cause 
than that which produced the scurvy, was somewhat 
abated ; and that our remedy lay elsewhere in the materia 
medica which was beyond the grasp of the physician. The 
diarrhoea came from the nature of the water we used 
daily. In the month of April the snows begin to melt, 
not by the heat of the sun, but most probably by the 
warmth of the earth beneath the snows. The ground, 
saturated with the snow-water, naturally increased the 
fountain-head in the cellar. Literally, we drank the 
melted snow. The scurvy had another origin. The 
diet — salt pork, infamous biscuit — damp and close con- 
finement in a narrow space, together with the severity 
of the climate, were the true causes of the scurvy. 

There was no doubt in any reflective mind among us, 
but that the virtuous and beneficent Carleton, taking 
into view his perilous predicament, did every thing for 
us, which an honest man and a good Christian could. 

An observation may be made in this place with pro- 
priety, that is, that in the climates of all high southern 
or northern regions, th'^ soil is very rich and prolific. 
This beneficial operation of nature, is, in all likelihood at- 
tributable to the nitrous qualities which the snow deposits. 
Of the fact that nitre is the principal ingredient which 
causes fertility in the earth, no man of observation can 
at this day reasonably doubt. The earth is replete of 
it. Wherever earth and shade unite, it is engendered 
and becomes apparent. This idea is proved by the cir- 
cumstance that nitre may be procured from caves, the 
earth of cellars, outhouses, and even from common earth, 
if kept under cover. During the late revolution, when 



Campaign against ^ebec^ 1775- 163 

powder was so necessary, we every where experienced 
the good effects of this mineralogical discovery •, it gives 
me pleasure to sav that it is most fairly ascribable to our 
German ancestors. The snows which usually fail in 
Canada about the middle of November, and generally 
cover the ground until the end of April, in my opinion, 
fill the soil with those vegetative salts, which forward 
the growth of plants. This idea was evinced to me by 
my vague and inconsiderate mind, from observations 
then made, and which were more firmly established by 
assurances from Captain Prentis, that muck or manure, 
which we employ in southern climates, is there never 
used. In that country, the moment the ground is freed 
from snow, the grass and every species of plant, spring 
forward in the most luxuriant manner. Captain Prentis, 
besides the continuation of bis care and friendship to 
Gibson and' myself, did not restrain his generosity to 
individuals, but procured for us a permission from go- 
vernment, to send out an old Irishman, of the New 
York line, an excellent catholic, to collect for us vege- 
table food- The first specimen of this good old man's 
attention and industry, was the production of a large 
basket-full of the ordinary blue grass of our country ; 
this grass, by those who got at it, was devoured 
ravenously at the basket, if so happy as to be able 
to come near it. Scurvy grass, in many varieties, 
eschalots, small onions, onion-tops and garlic, suc- 
ceeded, and were welcomed by all of us for several 
months afterwards. This voracious appetite for vege- 
tables, seems to be an incident always concurring in that 
terrible disease, the scurvy ; nature seems to instil into 
the patient, a desire of such food, and of acids, which are 
the only specific, with a due attention to cleanliness, 
hitherto discovered, that do eradicate the stamina of the 
disease. From my contracted knowledge, it is imper- 
ceptible that there is any material discrepancy between 
the sea-scurvy and the land-scurvy of high southern and 
northern latitudes. The descriptions given by Robins 



164 Campaign against ^ebec^ ^77 S- 

(or if you please, the Rev. Mr. Walter), and other voy- 
agers, of the causes, the symptoms and the effects of 
that disorder, seem to concur in everv particular w^ith 
our various experience at Quebec. Recollect it is not 
a physician who speaks." 

About the time above spoke of Governor Carleton 
directed that we should be supplied with fresh beef. 
This was no other than that which had been brought 
into the city when we lay at Aux-Tremble, in the 
foregoing autumn, and in aid of the stores of the garri- 
son. It had lain in a frozen state during the winter, 
without salting, but now as warm weather was approach- 
ing, it began to thaw and was liberally disposed of to 
the garrison and prisoners. The beef was sweet, 
though here and there a little blueish, like the mould of 
stale bread, very tender, but somewhat mawkish. It 
was palatable and nutritive to men afflicted as we were. 
This beef, connected with vegetables, soon animated us 
with an idea of returning health and vigor ; yet, though 
it mitigated the pains we endured, it did not totally ex- 
pel the scurvy. 

The seventh of May arrived. Two ships came to 
the aid of the garrison, heating through a body of ice, 
which perhaps was impervious to any other than the in- 
trepid sailor. This relief of men and stores, created 
great joy in the town. Our army began their disorderly 
retreat. My friend Simpson, with his party, were 
much misused, from a neglect of giving him information 
of the intended flight of our army. Some few of the 
men under his authority, straggled and were taken in the 
retreat. They came to inhabit our house. Now, for 
the first time, we heard an account of the occurrences 
during the winter's blockade, which to us, though of 



'The late Captain Thomas Boyd, the strongest and largest man among 
us, when coming to the air, frequently fainted ; one Rothrock, of Morgan's, 
had so fetid a breath that it was disgusting to enter the room he inhabited ; 
one of Lamb's company lost his gums and some of his teeth, all were loose, 
of which I am certain as his mouth was examined by me. — Henry. 



Campaign against ^ebec^ ^77 S- ^^5 

trivial import, were immensely interesting. The sally 
of this day, produced to the prisoners additional comfort. 
Though the troops took a severe revenge upon our 
friends without, by burning and destroying their pro- 
perties. The next day, more ships and troops arrived ; 
a pursuit took place, the effect of which was of no con- 
sequence, except so far as it tended to expel the colonial 
troops from Canada. To the prisoners, this retreat had 
pleasing consequences; fresh bread, beef newly slaugh- 
tered, and a superabundance of vegetables, was a salu- 
tary diet to our reduced and scorbutic bodies. Still 
freedom, that greatest of blessings, and exercise were re- 
quired to bring back to us genuine health. About this 
time an incident occurred, which threw us into ecstasy, 
as it relieved our minds and faculties from a most tortur- 
ing piece of preservative duty ; this was no other than 
an authoritative divestment of the irons. One day, . 
perhaps the fifteenth or eighteenth of May, Colonel Mac- 
lean, attended by Major Carleton, a younger brother of 
the general's. Major Maibaum,' a German officer, both 
of whom had just arrived from Europe, together with 
Captain Prentis, and other officers, entered the jail about 
mid-day. The prisoners paraded in the jail-yard com- 
pletely ironed. Captain Prentis, by the direction of 



' This gentleman was six feet and four or five inches high and as well pro- 
portioned. His disposition was a kindly one. He spoke his own language 
admirably, and French fluently, but no English. Knowing from his mili- 
tary dress and manners, that he was a German, I was induced to address 
him in that language. He appeared astonished, yet pleased at hearing his 
own tongue from an American lad, inquired concerning Pennsylvania, our 
way to Quebec, etc., but seemed apprehensive of the jealousy of the English 
officials, who did not understand us. The Baron Knyphausen wanted an 
interpreter. Captain Prentis, who was really my friend, made me the pro- 
position, as from the Baron, and used various arguments ro induce a com- 
pliance, all of which were spurned. In 1778 or 1779, I had again the 
pleasure of seeing the major at Lancaster, in the company of my father, 
but he was then a prisoner. — Henry. 

This is supposed to have been Major Juste Christoph von Maibom, who 
was taken prisoner at Bennington, and died at Wolfenbuttel, duchy of 
Brunswick, in Germany, 17 Feb., 1804. — M. 



1 66 Campaign against ^ebec, 1775. 

Colonel iVIaclean, pointed out to the other officers : 
" This is general such-a-one, — that is colonel such-a- 
one," and in this manner proceeded to name all the 
leading characters. Happening to be very near the 
amiable, it might be said, admirable Major Carleton, 
he was overheard to say, " Colonel, ambition is laudable ; 
cannot the irons of these men be struck off?" This 
the colonel ordered to be done immediately. Our 
kind-hearted blacksmith w^as not distant : he came and 
the officers remained to see some of the largest bolts 
divested, and then left us. " Come, come, gentlemen," 
said the blacksmith, " you can put off your irons." In 
a minute, the vast pile lay before him. Being now at 
full bodily liberty, we completed a ball court, which had 
been originally formed, as it were, by stealth. Here a 
singular phenomenon which attends the scurvy, dis- 
^covered itself. The venerable and respectable Maybin 
had recommended to us exercise, not only as a mean of 
cure, but as a preventive of the scorbutic humors operat- 
ing. Four of the most active would engage at a game 
oi fives. Having played some games in continuation, if 
a party incautiously sat down, he was seized by the 
most violent pains in the hips and knees, which incapa- 
citated him from play for many hours, and from rising 
from the earth, where the patient had seated himself. 
These pains taught us to keep afoot all day, and even to 
eat our food in an erect posture. Going to bed in the 
evening, after a hard day's play, those sensations of 
pain upon lying down, immediately attacked us. The 
pain would continue half an hour, and often longer. 
My own experience will authorize me to say two hours. 
In the morning, we rose free from pain, and the routine 
of play and fatigue ensued, but always attended by the 
same effects, particularly to the stubborn and incautious, 
who would not adhere to the wholesome advice of Doctor 
Maybin. Those who were inactive, retained those ex- 
cruciating pains to the last, together with their distorted, 
bloated, and blackened limbs. Upon our return from 



Campaign against ^uebec^ '^11 S' ^^7 

Canada, in the autumn of 1776, I saw five or six of my 
crippled compatriots hobbling through the streets of 
Lancaster on their way home. It cost a tear — all that 
could be given. By the month of August, the active 
were relieved from those pains. 

Towards the end of May, Governor Carleton ordered 
each of the prisoners a linen shirt. This gift, to me, 
was most agreeable, as linen next the skin, for some 
months past, was unfelt, and few persons who have not 
felt the extremity of such endurances as ours, can form 
a full conception of the gratification we enjoyed. Having 
had but one shirt on at the time ot our capture, it was 
soon destroyed by the wearing, and the repeated washings 
it required. Delicacy forbids a dilation upon the cause 
and effects. You would laugh at the description of one 
of our washing parties. Rising early, the prime object 
was to make a strong ley of wood ashes, of which we 
had plenty, into which the linen was plunged, and con- 
cocted for an hour or more, under a hope of putting an 
end to certain vagrants, of a genera with which most of 
us are acquainted. During the boiling, the votaries of 
cleanliness, cloaked in a blanket, or blanket coat, watched 
the ebullitions of the kettle. The boiling done, the 
linen was borne to the yard, where each one washed his 
own, and watched it during the drying, almost in a state 
of nature. Captain Prentis, pitying my sad condition, 
pressed upon me often to accept from him, money to 
purchase a suit of clothes, and he would trust to the 
honor and integrity of my father for payment, whose 
character he knew. Adhering to my first determination, 
this polite and generous proposal of my amiable and de 
serving friend was as often, yet most thankfully declined, 
maugre the advice of my bosom friends Boyd and 
Cunningham to the contrary. He however forced upon 
me a half Johannes. This small sum was applied to the 
solace of my heart. In the first place, to an article still 
more necessary than a shirt. The residue was expended 
upon matters which cheered the hearts of my messmates. 



1 68 Campaign against ^ebec^ ^775- 

whom I dearly loved ; cheese, sugar, tea, coffee, etc., 
spirits was detested, as we knew it to be a poison to 
scorbutic persons. What pleased me much more, and 
gave me pure delight, was the following occurrence : 
Of my own accord, no one knowing of the intention, 
the good old Irishman was delegated to purchase three 
or four pounds of tobacco. It was secretly brought, 
and as secretly borne to our room. A pound was pro- 
duced and fairly parted among our tobacco chewers. 
You cannot conceive their joy. When the first paroxysm 
was over, the remainder was disposed of in the same 
way. The thankfulness of those brave, but destitute 
men, arose towards me, nearly to adoration. You will 
ask why ? Hear the reason. From your small knowlege 
of mankind, you can have little conception of the force 
habit has on the human race. One who chews, smokes 
or snuffs tobacco, is as little able to abstain from that 
enjoyment, as you would be, if compelled to refrain from 
your usual meals. This particular is spoken of, to 
persuade you by no mean to use tobacco in any shape. 
It is a poison, of the most inveterate kind, which like 
opium, arsenic, anri several other medicaments, may be 
applied to healthful purposes, yet, if employed in an 
extreme degree, produces instantaneous death. These 
ideas are not visionary, but are supportable by the authority 
of some of the best physicians. You are at full liberty 
to put your own constructions upon these observations. 
But to return to my fellow-prisoners. 

In the wilderness where the army soon run out the 
article of tobacco, the men had many valuable succeda- 
neums. The barks of the different kinds of firs, the 
cedar, the red willow,' and the leaves of many astrin- 



' Red willow [Salix purpurea). This shrub, which is a native of the 
United States, is spread throughout our climates. The outer bark of a deep 
red color, peels in a very thin scale, the inner is scraped oft" with a knite, 
and is dried either in the sun or over the fire. The scent when burning, 
is delightful. To increase the flavor, the Indians pluck the current year's 
branches of the upland sumach, and dry it in bunches over the smoke of 



I 



Campaign against ^ueoec^ ^775- ^^9 

gent or bitter plants supplied the place; but within the 
bare walls of our jail there was no substitute for this 
dear and inebriating vegetable. Thus was all my money 
expended and much to my satisfaction and to the heart- 
felt pleasure of my brave and worthy-companions, whose 
sufferings in certain points, were greater than my own. 
The table of the virtuous and generous Prentis had 
often furnished me liberally with wholesome viands. 
With convalescency, though pennyless, we again became 
merry and lighthearted. 

In the beginning of August we were told by Captain 
Preniis, that the governor had concluded to send us by 
sea to New York upon parole for the purpose of being 
exchanged ; that the transports which had brought the 
late reinforcements from Europe, were cleansing and 
preparing for the voyage. Now there was exultation. 
On the seventh of August we subscribed our written 



a fire. A half part of red-willow bark, added to as much of the dryed 
sumach forms the killiknick. Those ingredients added to a third part of 
leaf tobacco, and the mass rubbed finely together in the palm of the hand, 
makes that delicious fume, so fascinating to the red, and also to the white 
men. Care must be taken by the consumer, not to use the swamp sumach 
i^Rbus -vernix) for the upland [Rhus g/abrum) as the former is most poison- 
ous, and resembles the latter, in the bark and leaf so much, that an in- 
curious eye might be deceived. The difference to a stranger may be 
distinctively marked by observing that the bunch of berries of the upland 
sumach, is a cone closely attached to each other, and when ripe of a reddish 
color. The berries of the swamp sumach hang loosely pendant, from a 
lengthy foot-stalk, and when ripe, are of a greenish-gray : at least I never 
saw the berry in any other state. The unhappy person who would em- 
ploy the swamp sumach in smoking, would forfeit his eyesight. This truth 
I had from Natanis in Canada, and it has since, many years ago, been con- 
firmed to me by the celebrated Seneca, The Cornplanter. You know 
the experience of our own family, when clearing the swamp, as to the 
deleterious qualities of the wood as fuel : your mother suffered greatly 
from its poisonous vapors. The moose-deer prefer the red-willow as food ; 
we most frequently observed them in its neighborhood. The vanilla of 
South America, has been applied by the Spanish manufactors of tobacco, 
in various ways : it is strange, that we have never assayed the killikinick. — 
Henry, 

15 



lyo Campaign against ^ebec^ ^11 S- 

paroles.^ Captain Prentis procured me permission from 
government with a few friends to traverse the city. An 
officer of the garrison attended us. Our first desire 
was to see the grave of our general, and those of his 
aids, as well as those of the beloved Hendricks and 
Humphreys. The graves were within a small place of 
interment, neatly walled with stone. The coffins of 
Montgomery, Cheeseman and M'Pherson, were well 
arranged side by side. Those of Hendricks, Humphreys, 
Cooper, etc., were arranged on the south side of the 
inclosure, but as the burials of these heroes took place 
in a dreary winter, and the earth impenetrable, there was 
but little soil on ihe coffins, the snow and ice which had 
been the principal covering being now dissolved, the 
foot of the general's coffin was exposed to the air and 
view. The coffin was well formed of fir plank. Cap- 
tain Prentis assured me that the graves should be 
deepened and the bodies duly deposited ; for he also 
knew Montgomery as a fellow soldier, and lamented his 
untimely fate. Thence we proceeded past the citadel, 
along the ramparts to Cape Diamond, descended the 
declivity slantingly, and examined the stockades and 
block house. It is this little tour which enabled me to 
describe to you the site and defences of that formidable 
pass. Proceeding thence through a part of the lower 
town, we came to a narrow street which led us to an 
immense stair way, one of the ascents into the upper 
town. Ascending here we came to the main passage, 
which curvatured down the hill into the lower town. 



' It will perhaps be proper to give you an idea of the parole exacted at 
that time. " We whose names are hereunder written, do solemnly promise 
and engage, to his Excellency General Carleton, not to say or do any thing 
against his majesty's person or government ; and to repair, whenever re- 
quired so to do by his excellency, or any of his majesty's commanders in 
chief in America, doth please to direct, in testimony of which, we have 
hereunto set our hands this day at Quebec. August 7th, 1776. 

J. J. H.&c." 

I received the original paper in 1778, in consequence ot an exchange of 
the St. John's prisoners for us. — Henry. 



Campaign against ^ebec^ ^77 S- ^7^ 

and which was to lead us in our supposed attack upon 
the upper town ; this we pursued and came to the place 
of the second barrier, which had been lately demolished. 
The houses on both sides of the street in which we had 
taken our stand, were now in ruins, having been burnt 
by the garrison as were the suburbs of St, Roque and 
St. Johns. This was done to render them unfit for the 
shelter of future assailants. Thus it is that war destroys 
the wealth and robs the individual of happiness. We 
had no time to make observations but such as could be 
done in passing hastily. Returning to the upper town 
by the principal and winding road, we were strongly im- 
pressed with the opinion that if our whole force, as was 
intended, had formed a junction in the lower town, that 
it was utterly impracticable, either from our numbers or 
our means, to mount by a road such as this was. Sup- 
pose it not to have been barricaded and enfiladed by 
cannon, it must be assailed by the bavonet, ot which 
weapon we had very few and the enemv was fully sup- 
plied. But when we reflect that across the road at the 
centre of the arc of each curve there was a barricade, 
and cannon placed to rake the intervals between the 
different barricades, the difficulties of the ascent, which 
is very steep, would be increased even to insurmounta- 
bility. The road is very narrow and lined next the hill 
by a stupendous precipice ; on the other hand there were 
some houses romantically perched on the side of the 
declivity, and some rocks. The declivitv of itself was 
an excellent defence if the besieged could maintain the 
position in front, for in a short time, in so confined a 
space, the assailants mu~,t either die, retreat, or be thrown 
down the hill from the road. But suppose all these 
defences overcome, and we had arrived at the brow of 
the hill at the entrance of the upper town, here a still 
more formidable obstacle presented itself than those 
which could be formed by art in the lower parts of the 
road. At this place there is a hollow way, which in the 
hurry we were in and the slight view we dared take, ap- 



172 Campaign against Quebec ^ '^11 S- 

peared as if cut out of the solid rock, of a depth of thirty 
or forty feet. Athwart this way there was a strong 
stockade of a height nearly equal with the perpendicular 
sides of the way or gulley. From the surface above we 
might have been stoned to death by the defenders of the 
fortress without a probability of their receiving harm 
from us below, though ever so well armed. But the 
stockade itself, from its structure and abundant strength, 
would have resisted a force manifold our numbers, and 
much better supplied and accoutred. From these observ- 
ations (those of an uninstructed youth to be sure), 
there was no hesitation in telling my intimate friends, 
then and since, that the scheme of the conquest of the 
upper town was visionary and groundless \ not the result 
of our dear general's reflections, but forced upon him by 
the nature and necessities of the times and his disagree- 
able predicament. If a coalition of our forces in the 
lower town had taken effect, the general would then 
most probably have developed his latent and real plans. 
The reasons given in council may have been promul- 
gated merely to induce a more spirited exertion upon 
the part of the officers and soldiery, who were not in the 
secret, to excite a factitious valor. Getting into serious 
action and warmed by the opposition of the enemy, the 
troops might have been induced to persevere in any 
apparently sudden design of the general. The cupidity 
of the soldiers had been played upon. This latter fact 
is known to me of my own particular knowledge. Some 
weeks before the attack the soldiers in their common 
conversations, spoke of the conquest of the city as a 
certainty ; and exultingly of the plunder they should 
win by their bravery. It was not my business to con- 
tradict, but to urge them on. Perhaps the setting fire 
to the lower town on the side of Cape Diamond, con- 
sidering the prevailing wind which was at southeast, 
but afterwards changed to north and northwest, such a 
design might have been effected. The shipping also 
ice-bound, numerous and valuable, moored around the 



Campaign against ^ebec^ ^775- ^73 

point, would have been consumable. All this destruc- 
tion would have been a victory of no mean kind ; but 
adding eclat to the known gallantrv and prowess of the 
general. The Almightv willed that we should never 
know the pith or marrow of his projects ; whatever thev 
were, my mind is assured that they were considerately 
and well designed. He was not a man to act incau- 
tiously and without motive, and too honest and brave 
to adopt a sinister part. No doubt we could have 
escaped by the way of St. Roque, protected by the 
smoke of the conflagration, and the terror and bustle 
which would consequently be created in the town. 
Though this pass is too narrow for the operation of a 
large body of men in an extended front, still we should 
have been too numerous (under the circumstances sup- 
posed), for the enemy to afford a force issuing from 
palace gate, adequate to oppose us. In the next instance 
if we should happen to be so very fortunate in such a 
retreat, as to bat the foes, they must retreat into the city 
by the wav of palace gate, and we should have entered 
pell-mell, and should thus have achieved the possession 
of that important place, the upper town, which was the 
primary view and last hope of the general and the army. 
These were the crude notions of a vouth formed upon 
the spot, but in a maturation of thirty years, are still 
retained. 

The general did not want for information. Many 
persons, male and female (unnecessary mouths), were 
expelled the city, to wander for subsistence among their 
friends in the country. His own knowledge of Quebec, 
where he had served, would enable him bv interrogation 
to extort from those emigrants a full stock of inform- 
ation of all the new defences erected by Governor Carleton 
since. Consequently, knowing the practicability of 
Cape Diamond [^Aunce de mere^ which must be provin- 
cial, and I do not understand), as an entrance to the 
lower town (but a most dangerous one), and that ol 
St. Roque, with which and its barriers, he was particularfy 



174 Campaign against ^ebec^ 1775. 

acquainted, from his own, and the observations of others ; 
if so, he would most assuredly be informed of the defens- 
ive obstructions on the slope of the hill, and the encloy- 
ment of the troops, which would in consequence attend ; 
and he would also know that this place, to the garrison, 
would be a perfect Thermopylae, impassable by ten times 
our numbers, if we had been veterans and were better 
furnished. From these reasons, there was an induce- 
ment for my mind, at all times since the attack, to 
conclude that it was never General Montgomery's real 
design to conquer the upper town, by an invasion from 
the lower town, but his hidden and true plan was, by a 
consolidation of our whole force, to burn the lower 
town, and the shipping, and to retreat by the way of 
palace gate and St. Roque. ii a sally was made at 
palace gate, the event, as was observed before, niight 
be fatal to the enemy. The comprehensive mind of 
Montgomery would not only appreciate to the full ex- 
tent the peculiar advantages of the enemy, but estimate 
to its true value the means he possessed, and the merits 
of his own army. Presuming the colonists to be suc- 
cessful in the lower town, where there was much 
wealth, and the avaricious among us be in some degree 
gratified, it would have created a spirit of hope and en- 
terprise in the men, tending to induce them to remain 
with us. Afterwards, combining our whole force, with 
the reinforcements we had a prospect of receiving, an 
attack upon the upper town might have succeeded. In 
a word the destruction of the lower town, in my appre- 
hension, should be considered merely as preparatory to 
a general assailment of the upper town, notwithstanding 
all that has been said in the memoirs of those days. A 
contrary opinion went abroad " that the general, if he 
had lived, by this assault would have conquered Quebec." 
No idea could be more fallacious. It was politically 
right to keep up that opinion among the people in those 
trying times, but its accomplishment, with our accompani- 
ment of men and defective arms, was ideal. Our walk 



Campaign against ^ebec, ^11 S- ^75 

from the great gate and palisade, was considerable, ere 
we reached our detestable dwelling ; as we had enjoyed 
a few hours of fleeting liberty, the locking-up became 
the more horrible to our feelings. The next day, 
however, we had the ineffable pleasure of marching in 
a body to the water side, and embarked on board five 
transports. On the following day a new joy was in 
store for me. General William Thompson (of whom 
it might well be said, '' this is a man "), who had com- 
manded our regiment at Prospect hill, as its colonel: he 
had been taken prisoner at the Three rivers, with several 
other officers, in the preceding month of June. He was 
now aboard of our little fleet, destined to New York. 
Thompson came to our ship, to visit rhe miserable 
remnant of a part of his gallant corps. The general had 
a special message to me, from my father, with whom he 
was intimate. Coming through Lancaster in his way 
to his command in Canada, he was authorized by my 
father, if he saw me in that country, to furnish me with 
money. The good man proffered me four half-johannes, 
one only was accepted. What was nearer and dearer to 
my heart, was the information that my parents, relatives 
and friends were well. That money was applied to the 
use of my messmates, in the way of sea-stores. Permis- 
sion being obtained, Bovd and myself went ashore ; our 
purchases consisted of a very large Cheshire cheese, 
coffee, tea and sugar, together with a large roll of tobacco 
for the men. Again pennyless, jollity and mirth did 
not forsake us. 

We sailed on the tenth of August, convoyed by the 
Pearl frigate. Captain M'Kenzie. Passing the delight- 
ful island of Orleans, much in shore, we observed the 
farmers reaping their wheat, which, as we run along, we 
could observe the haum, in many instances, was green 
towards the foot of the stalk. From this circumstance 
it was concluded, that frequently, particularly in cold or 
wet seasons the grain must be kiln-dried, as it is done in 
the north of England, and in Scotland, before it is housed 



176 Campaign against Quebec, 1775. 

and threshed. The wheat, though sown between the 
fifteenth and twentieth of May, and probably sometimes 
earher or later, is weighty, and produces a very fine 
white flour. The voyage down the river, except a few 
boisterous days, wns pleasant. We had some noble 
views, interspersed here and there with something like 
villages, chapels, and farm-houses. Afterwards, we had 
in prospect a bleak and dreary coast and country, whose 
craggedness inspired disagreeable sensations. The great- 
est curiosities were the seals, whose history and manners 
were then known to me, but whose living form excited 
attention, as they were creeping up or basking on the 
rocks. The porpoises, perfectly white, in vast droves 
played before and around us, and drew my attention and 
surprise, as none but the black southern porpoise had 
before come under my view. To become a naturalist, 
it is necessary a man should travel ; it was many years 
before books could persuade me of the existence of a 
green-haired monkey ; but these were diminutive objects 
indeed in nature's scale, of comparative imagery, when 
contrasted with the immense river Cadaracqua, or as it is 
now called St. Lawrence, second to no river in the 
world, unless it be the La Plata, of South America. 
Making this observation, you must understand me to in- 
clude within it, the Lake Superior, and the waters which 
feed that lake. OfF Gaspy Point, where we soon 
arrived, in a due north line, across the island of Anti- 
costa, the river is about ninety miles wide. Steering 
with favorable weather, the island of St. Johns came in 
view ; passing it, and the Gut of Canceaux, experienc- 
ing some stormy weather upon the ocean, and a few 
difficulties, we happily arrived at New York on the 
eleventh of September, 1776, and anchored three miles 
south of Governor's island. Now it was, for the 
first time, that we heard of the dilemma in which our 
country stood. 

The battle of Long Island, on the twenty-seventh of 
August, had been unsuccessfully fought by our troops, 



Campaign against ^ebec^ '^11 S- ^11 

many of whom were prisoners. In such hurrying times, 
intercourses between hostile armies in the way of nego- 
tiation upon any point, are efFected with difficulty. We 
had waited patiently several weeks, to be disembarked 
on our own friendly shore ; yet tantalized every day 
with reports that to-morrow we should be put on shore ; 
some, and in a little while all, began to fear it was the 
intention of General Howe to detain us as prisoners in 
opposition to the good will of Sir Guy Carleton. This 
notion had so strongly impressed the minds of my friend 
Doctor Thomas Gibson, and a young man called John 
Blair, of Hendricks, that they determined to escape 
from the ship. They were, both of them, athletic and 
able bodied men, and most adroit. Gibson planned the 
manner of escape ; its ingeniousness, hazard, boldness 
of execution and eventual success, received the applause 
of all, but was disapproved, upon the principle that it 
trenched upon their honor, and would impede our release. 
The story is this : Gibson and Blair, in the evening, 
dressed in shirts and trowsers, were upon the main deck 
with their customary flapped hats on their heads. Gib- 
son gave me a squeeze of the hand in token of farewell ; 
he was greeted kindly, for he was the brother of my 
soul. He and his companion went to the forecastle, 
where there were two large New Foundland dogs, each 
of which had his party, or rather his partizans among 
the crew. These, the adventurers hissed at each other. 
The dogs being engaged with their usual fury, attracted 
the attention of the sailors and many of the prisoners ,• 
they took this opportunity of stripping and letting them- 
selves down at the bow into the water. Leaning over 
the sides of the ship, in company of some friends in the 
secret, and unregardful of the dogs, we awaited the 
management of the flight. The last lighted cloud ap- 
peared low in the west. Something extraordinary passed 
along the side, a foolish fellow asked, " what is that ?" 
"a wave, you fool — a mere deception of sight," was 
answered. It was the head of Gibson, covered by his 



1 7 8 Campaign against ^ebec, ^11 S- 

large black hat. Within a few yards of Gibson came 
Blair, but with a smaller hat, he was obvious ; his white 
skin discovered him, but luckily the attention of the 
ignoramus was engaged another way. These daring 
men swam to the barge at the stern, entered it, and 
slipped the rope. They had rowed a thousand yards 
before the boat was missed. The other boats of our 
ship, and of those near us, were despatched after the 
runaways ; it was too late, the fugitives had too much of 
a start to be easily overtaken. They landed (having 
rowed about five miles), naked, in our own country, 
somewhere in the vicinity of Bergen-neck, and bartered 
the boat for some ordinary clothing. They waited on 
General Washington, who disapproved of their demeanor. 
A short time after the foregoing occurrence, a most 
beautiful and luminous, but baleful sight occurred to us, 
that is, vhe city of New York on fire. One night 
(Sept. 22), the watch on deck gave a loud notice of this 
disaster. Running upon deck we could perceive a light, 
which at the distance we were from it (four miles), was 
apparently of the size of the flame of a candle. This 
light to me, appeared to be the burning of an old and 
noted tavern, called the Fighting Cock (where, ere this 
I had lodged), to the east of the battery, and near the 
wharf. The wind was southwardly, and blew a fresh 
gale the flames at this place, because of the wind, in- 
creased rapidly. In a moment we saw another light at 
a great distisnce from the first, up the North river. The 
latter light seemed to he an original, distin; t and new 
formed fire, near a celebrated tavern in the Broadway 
called White Hall. Our anxiety for the fate of so fine 
a city, caused much solicitude, as we harbored suspicions 
that the enemy had fired it. The flames were fanned 
by the briskness of the breeze, and drove the destructive 
effects of the element on all sides. When the fire reached 
the spire of a large steeple, south of the tavern, which 
was attached to a large church, the effect upon the eye 
was astonishingly grand. If we could have divested 



Campaign against ^ebec, ^775' ^79 

ourselves of the knowledge that it was the property of 
our fellow-citizens which was consuming, the view might 
have been esteemed sublime, if not pleasing. The deck 
of our ship for many hours was lighted as at noon day. 
In the commencement of the conflagration we observed 
many boats putting off from the fleet, rowing speedily 
towards the city ; our boat was of the number. This 
circumstance repelled the idea that our enemies were 
the incendiaries, for indeed they professedly went in aid 
of the inhabitants. The boat returned about daylight, 
and from the relation of the officer and the crew, we 
clearly discerned that the burning of New York was the 
act of some mad-cap Americans. The sailors told us 
in their blunt manner, that they had seen one American 
hanging by the heels dead, having a bayonet wound 
through his breast. They named him by his Christian 
and surname, which they saw imprinted on his arm ; they 
averred he was caught in the fact of firing the houses. 
They told us, also, that they had seen one person who 
was taken in the fact, tossed into the fire, and that 
several who were stealing, and suspected as incendiaries, 
were bayonetted. Summary justice is at no time laud- 
able, but in this instance it may have been correct. If 
the Greeks could have been resisted at Persepolis, every 
soul of them ought to have been massacred. The testi- 
mony we received from the sailors, my own view ot the 
distinct beginnings of the fire, in various spots, remote 
from each other, and the manner of its spreading, im 
pressed my mind with the belief that the burning ot the 
city was the doings of the most low and vile of persons, 
for the purposes, not only of thieving, but ot devastation. 
This seemed, too, the general sense, not only of the 
British, but that of the prisoners then aboard the trans- 
ports. Laying directly south of the city, and in a range 
with Broadway, we had a fair and full view of the whole 
process. The persons in the ships nearer to the town 
than we were, uniformly held the same opinion. It was 
not until some years afterwards, that a doubt was created ; 



i8o Campaign against ^ebec, ^775- 

but for the honor of our country and its good name, an 
ascription was made of the firing of the city, to acci- 
dental circumstances. It may be well, that a nation, in 
the heat and turbulence of war, should endeavor to pro- 
mote its interests, by the propagating reports of its own 
innocency and prowess, and accusing its enemy of fla- 
grant enormity and dastardliness (as was done in this 
particular case), but when peace comes, let us in God's 
name do justice to them and ourselves. Baseness and 
villainy are the growth of all climes, and of all nations. 
Without the most numerous, and the most cogent tes- 
timony, as the fact occurred within my own view, the 
eloquence of Cicero could not convince me that the 
firing was accidental. Some time after the burning of 
the city, we understood that we were to be embarked in 
shallops, and landed at Elizabethtown point. 

The intelligence c;iused a sparkling in every eye. 
On the next day about noon, we were in the boats ; 
adverse winds retarded us. It was ten or eleven at 
night, before we landed ; the moon shone beautifully. 
Morgan stood in the bow of the boat ; making a spring 
not easily surpassed, and falling on the earth, as it were 
to grasp it — cried " Oh my country." We that were 
near him pursued his example. Now a race commenced 
which in quickness, could scarcely be exceeded, and 
soon brought us to Elizabethtown. Here, those of us 
who were drowsy, spent an uneasy night Being un- 
expected guests, and the town full of troops, no quarters 
were provided for us. Joy rendered beds useless, we 
did not close our eyes till daylight Singing, dancing, 
the Indian halloo, in short, every species of vociferous- 
ness was adopted by the men, and many of the most 
respectable sergeants, to express their extreme pleasure. 
A stranger coming among them, would have pronounced 
them mad, or at last intoxicated ; though since noon, 
neither food nor liquor had passed our lips ; thus the 
passions may at times have an influence on the human 
frame, as inebriating as wine or any other liquor. The 



Campaign against ^ebec, 1775- t^i 

morning brought us plenty, in the form of rations of 
beef and bread. Hunger allaved, my only desire was 
to proceed homewards. Money was wanting. How to 
obtain it in a place where all my friends and acquaintances 
were alike poor and destitute, gave me great anxiety and 
pain. Walking up the street very melancholy, unknow- 
ing what to do, I observed a wagon built in the Lancaster 
county fashion (which at that time was peculiar in Jer- 
sey), unloading stores for the troops come or coming. 
The owner seeing me, grasping my hand with fervor, 
told me every one believed me to be dead. Telling 
him our story in a compendious manner, the good old 
man, without solicitation, presented me two silver dcllars 
to be repaid at Lancaster, They were gladly received.* 
My heart became easy. The next day, in company 
with the late Colonel Febiger and the present General 
Nichols, and some other gentlemen, we procured a light 
return wagon which gave us a cast as far as Princeton, 
Here "we had the pleasure of conversing with Dr. With- 
erspoon, who was the first that informed us of a reso- 
lution of congress to augment the army. It gave u 
pleasure, as we had devoted ourselves individually, tc 
the service of our country. The next day, if not in- 
correct, we proceeded on foot, no carriage of any kind 
being procurable. Night brought us up at a farm-house 
somewhere near Bristol, The owner was one of us^ that 
is, a genuine whig. He requested us to tarry all night, 
which we declined. He presented us a supper that was 
gratefully received. Hearing our story, he was much 
affected. We then tried to prevail on him to take us to 
Philadelphia in his light wagon. It was objected that it 
stood loaded with hay in the barn floor ; his sons were 
asleep or abroad. We removed these objections by 
unloading the hay while this good citizen prepared the 



' Who do you think this was ? Why Stephen Lutz, of Lancaster — 
poor" but industrious. I have thanked him a thousand times since, and 
have had the pleasure of obliging him. — Henry. 

IG 



1 82 Campaign against ^ebec, ^775- 

horses. Mounting, we arrived at the Harp and Crown 
about two o'clock in the morning. To us it was most 
agreeable that we passed through the streets of Philadel- 
phia in the night time, as our clothing was not only 
threadbare but shabby. Here we had friends and funds. 
A gentleman advanced me a sum sufficient to enable me 
to exchange my leggins and moccasins, for a pair of 
stockings and shoes, and to bear my expenses home. A 
day and a half brought me to the arms of my beloved 
parents. 

At Philadelphia, I waited upon a cousin of my mother's, 
Mr. Owen Biddle, then a member of the council of 
safety, who informed me that while in captivity, he had 
procured me a lieutenancy. My heart was otherwise 
engaged. Morgan the hero ! had promised and obtained 
forme, a captaincy in the Virginia line. Following the 
fortunes of that bold and judicious commander, my name 
might have been emblazoned in the rolls of patriotic 
fame. But alas ! in the course of eight weeks after my 
return from captivity, a slight cold, caught when skating 
on the ice of the Susquehanna, or in pursuing the wild- 
turkey among the Kittatinny hills, put an end to all my 
visionary schemes of ambition. This cause renewed 
that abominable disorder, the scurvy (which I had sup- 
posed was expelled from my system), accompanied by 
every morbid symptom, which had been so often observed 
at Quebec, attendant upon others. The medical men 
of all classes, being engaged in the army, that species 
of assistance was unattainable, in the degree requisite; 
lameness, as you now observe it, was the consequence. 
Would to God ! my extreme sufferings had then ended 
a life, which since has been a tissue of labor, pain, and 
misery. 



The End. 



APPENDIX. 



The following letters written from Canada respecting 
the Invasion of that Province by Arnold and Mont- 
gomery, are taken from the Pennsylvania Journal and 
Weekly Advertiser^ Jan. 3, 1776. 

Extract of a Letter from an officer under Col. Arnold, dated at Point aux 
Tremble [in Canada), No'v. 21, 1 775. 

'' The last letter I wrote you was from thd Dead river, Oct. 24, which 'tis 
probable you have never received. At that time our difficulties seemed to 
increase. We had a very rapid river to encounter with our boats, and a 
thick wilderness for those that marched by land ; many places, some miles 
in length, of cedar swamp, hills, etc., but all these were tolerable while pur 
provisions were plenty. At the head of Chaudiere lake, which is an hun- 
dred and some miles from the Canadian settlements, every man received 
his allowance of flour, and there was exactly four pints to each. Meat 
there was none. Upon this small supply we were obliged to push as we 
valued our lives, and did not know but we should have a powerful army to 
encounter. Then I first experienced the real advantage of health, being 
able to keep pace with the foremost, and reached the inhabitants, though 
in a very weak, half starved condition. Some dogs that had followed us 
were killed and eat, even the intestines, skin, etc. Many eat their shoes, 1 
shot pouches, etc., and some never reached the settlements ; I believe no ' 
men ever went through more or greater hardships. Col. Enos, who com- . 
manded the fourth or last division of our little army, called a council o* 
war at his entrance into the Dead river, and he with his whole party, cor- , 
sisting of three companies, returned back; this first caused our distress, a^ 
chief of our provision was in the rear under his care. From the last Eng- 
lish inhabitants in the province of Maine, to the Canadian settlements, we 
were thirty-two days m.nrching, and never saw any human being but those 
of our party, neither do I think it was ever passed, except by Indians and 
wild beasts. We were at least one month too late for this northern cli- 
mate, as we suffered much from rains, cold, snow, etc., but our joy upon 
our arrival among the Canadians is inexpressible, and their kindness and 
hospitality soon made amends for all our fatigue, though I am sensible it 
will never be forgotten. From the first inhabitants up Chaudiere river, to 
Quebec, is called ninety miles. We were not permitted to tarry at any 
place, but marched on as fast as our strength would permit to Point Levi, 



184 Appendix. 

which is on the river St. Lawrence directly opposite to Ouebec, where we 
found a number of armed vessels, from whom we weie irequenlly compli- 
mented with salutes of their cannon. 

'" The country we last passed through was very thick settled, though 
every where you see marks of oppression. The people are poor and illiterate 
and appear to have no other end in view than keeping their souls and bodies 
together, and preparing for the next world, being e.vceedingly devout. We 
tarried at Point Levi near a week, during which time we were busy in pre- 
paring to cross the river, being obliged to purchase birch canoes twenty 
miles distant and carry them by land, the regulars at Quebec having burnt 
all near them as soon as they heard of our coming. The men of war lay 
in such a manner as they supposed would prevent our attempt, but on 
Monday the 13th inst., every thing was ready for our embarkation, and at 
nme o'clock in the evening, being very dark, the first division set off, and 
we passed between the Hunter of fourteen guns and Quebec, and landed 
safely at Point de Pezo. The boats were immediately sent back and con- 
tinued passing till near daybreak, while the men on this side marched up 
the hill, at the same place the immortal Wolfe formerly did, and imme- 
diately formed. The place we marched up is called Wolfe's Cove, and 
were you to see. the hill, you would think it morally impossible for any 
thing mortal to get heavy artillery up it. I forgot to inform you that 
Wolfe had intrenched himself very strongly at Point Levi, the remains of 
which are very evident, though defaced and much filled up. Near day- 
break the guard boat belonging to the man of war was passing from the 
Hunter to the Lizard, a frigate of twenty-eight guns, at the time some of 
our boats were crossing, which made us uneasy, and as the guard boat came 
near the shore we hailed her, and then fired upon her, and could distinctly 
hear them cry out they were wounded ; they pushed off, and the whole 
garrison was immediately alarmed. After waiting some little time till all 
our men were over (except a guard stationed at Point Levi), we marched 
across the plains of Abraham, and at daybreak took possession of some 
houses, one mile and an half from Quebec ; after fixing a strong guard we 
retired, but were alarmed by their seizing one of our sentinels, whom they 
carried off Our army was immediately marched off towards the walls. 
They fired some heavy shot at us, but without any execution; and our men 
as usual at Cambridge, picked up a number of them, gave them three 
hearty cheers and retired to their quarters. On Tuesday they made an 
attempt for a second sentinel, but were unsuccessful. Our little army im- 
mediately turned out, and we took possession of a nunnery in the suburbs 
within point blank shot, and fixed a strong guard there; they kept up a 
pretty heavy fire, but fortunately no person received the least injury. We 
had now in a great measure cut off all communications between the city 
and country, and I believe they began to feel we were not the most agreea- 
ble neighbors. On Wednesday we had two alarms and expected they would 
have turned out and ventured a battle, but it vanished with the roaring of 
their cannon. On Thursday evening, as a party were crossing St. Charles 
river (for Quebec stands on a point between St. Lawrence and St. Charles), 
one of our men, a Pennsylvanian, and a noble soldier was wounded by a 
cannon ball in the leg, which was cut off a^^soon as possible, but he had lost 



Appendix. 185 



so much blood before the doctor could see him that he expired next morning. 
We buried him on the plains of Abraham. A noble grave for a soldier, 
and which his past conduct, since he has been in this department, really 
merited. Little or nothing material passed on Saturday. On Sunday 
evening, about seven o'clock, every man received orders to parade at Head 
Quarters at three o'clock in the morning, with his pack on his back. The 
boats were dispatched across the river and our guard brought from Point 
Levi. At the appointed hour we assembled and received orders to retreat. 
We set off, and in our march passed three different armed vessels, and as 
the road is on the shore we expected at least a broadside, ■ ut they passed 
us in peace, and upon their arrival at Quebec, we heard the discharge of a 
number of cannon, from which we concluded Carleton was on board one 
of them, or that 'twas for joy of our raising the seige. We marched eight 
leagues that day, and the colonel found it absolutely necessary to halt here, 
till he could provide the men with shoes or moccasins, many of them being 
almost barefoot ; it was the first time I ever wore moccasins on a march, 
and I assure you from the roughness of the road (it being very hard) I could 
not, in my opinion, if my life had depended upon it, have marched ten miles 
next day. It has ever been our fortune from first marching from Cambridge, 
whenever we were much depressed, fatigued, etc., to hear some agreeable news 
that would immecffately invigorate us, and enable us to proceed with tolera- 
ble cheerfulness. At this place we heard the agreeable news of Montreal 
being in our possession, that Governor Carleton made his escape in a birch 
canoe, and that he was actually in the ship that passed by here yesterday. 
In short everything once more seems to conspire in our favor. Gen. 
Montgomery is on his march for Quebec, and we halt here till he comes 
up, when we shall return to Quebec again, though whether it will be in our 
possession this winter or not is uncertain. We hear they are driving in all 
the cattle, etc., which will enable them to stand a long seige. In this 
part of the world 'tis time for men to think of winter quarters rather than 
attacking fortified towns; however we are y4mericans and American so/Jiers. 
I have not an objection to visiting the plains of Abraham once more, and 
'tis probable shall have good quarters even in Quebec ; at any rate I go with 
pleasure and sincerely believe every man in our army would rather return 
and is only sorry that our situation rendered it impossible for us to stay 
longer before Quebec. Our commander is a gentleman worthy the trust 
reposed in him ; a man, I believe, of invincible courage ; a man of great 
prudence ; ever serene ; he defies the greatest danger to affect him, or diffi- 
culties to alter his temper; in fine you will ever see him the intrepid hero, 
and the unruffled Christian. 

" Thus have I endeavored to give you a short sketch of our past and 
present situation; I could wish my abilities could have placed it in a more 
correct light before you ; in my present abode it was entirely out of my 
power, and it was not a little time before I could procure even thus much 
paper, which is the leaf of a book, a gentleman had for his journal. In 
better times expect better fare. Quebec, as I mentioned, stands upon a 
point, between St. Lawrence and St. Charles rivers, the latter not navigable, 
except for ferry boats, it consists of the upper and lower town, the latter is 
immediately on the point or water's edge, and consists of a large number of 



1 86 Appendix. 



houses built thick ; the upper town is upon the hill, which is prodigiously 
high; the town is surrounded on the country part by a wail, from twenty- 
five to thirty feet high; there are, I think, three gates (though I am not 
certain), St. John's, Port Lewis, and St. Roque's. On each side the river 
St. Lawrence, from Quebec to Point aux Tremble (our present camp), the 
hills, or rather banks, are very high, not much less in general than fifty 
felt; many places close upon the river ; in some places there is a rich piece. 
of level meadow, perhaps the distance of half a mile from the bank to the 
river. The whole from here to 2'^^^'^^, is thickly inhabited, which I am 
informed is the case to Montreal. The houses are many of them genteel, 
rather than otherwise, though in general the inhabitants live very low, and 
in their dress, manners, stoves, etc., exactly resemble our Germans. Since 
I left Newbury Port till our march last Sunday, I do not recollect that I 
have seen an oak tree; I venture to say 1 have not. In the province of 
Maine, such part as we came through and Canada, has abounded chiefly 
with evergreens, such as fir, hemlock, spruce, cedar, pine, birch, maple, etc.; 
last Sunday I was happy in seeing a few oaks and an apple orchard. The 
inhabitants few or none speak English. How long we may stay here is 
uncertain — till-our reinforcement arrives, 'tis probable, unless they should 
venture to attack us from Q^sti^'^- ^^ '' ^^ "^ ^'^^ ^ ^'^ content, and can 
remove from place to place with as much resignation as almost any one, 
having been taught by this campaign to consider no place as my home for 
more than an hour or a day." 

Extract of a letter from a •volunteer ivith Col. Arnold to his friend in this 
city, dated Point aux Tremble, 2i miles from Quebec, No'vember t.!, ifj^. 
" We arrived before Quebec the 15th inst., after a severe march of about 
600 miles ; when we left Cambridge we were eleven hundred strong ; about 
halfway Colonel Enos got frightened, and with three companies, and the 
sick, which together was about one-half of our number, and the greatest 
part of the provision, f;/rne(/ ^ac/^ .' May shame and guilt go with him, 
and wherever he seeks a shelter may the hand of justice shut the door against 
him; perhaps I have said too much, but a man that has suffered by him, 
can hardly refrain speaking. We were about two months on our march, 
thirty-two days of which we did not see a house, and at short allowance, 
six days of which we were at half a pound of pork and half a pound of 
flour per man a day, after which for four days we had only half a pound of 
flour per day, our pork being gone; two days of which we lost ourselves, 
marched forty miles, and were but ten miles on our way; our whole stores 
was then divided, and it was about four pints of flour per man ; a small 
allowance for men near one hundred miles from any habitation, or prospect 
of a supply. After having traveled fifty or sixty miles on this scanty allow- 
ance we came to a river, which we were told was only eight miles from 
the inhabited parts, here I sat down, baked and eat my last morsel of bread; 
but, think what was my distress, when I found, after crossing the river, 
that I had thirty miles to travel before I could expect the least mouthful ; 
however my dread was soon removed by the return of Col. Arnold, who, 
with a small party had made a forced march, and returned to us with some 
cattle he had purchased of the inhabitants ; on these we made a voracious 
meal, and renewed our march with new courage to Point Levi — from 



Appendix. 187 

thence we were transported in birch canoes to the plains of Abraham, and 
from thence retreated to this place to wait for Gen. Montgomery, who, we 
are told, by express this day, will be with us soon." 

Extract of a Letter from Point aux Tremble, dated Dec. I, 1775. 
"An incessant hurry of business since my arrival in Canada, has deprived 
me of the pleasure of writing before. This serves to give you a short sketch 
of our tour, the fatigue and hazard of which is beyond description ; a future 
day may possibly present you with the particulars. The 15th Sept. left 
Cambridge, same night arrived at Newburyport 1 8th embarked and sailed; 
19th thick weather and a gale of wind, which divided the fleet ; 20th ar- 
rived in Kennebec river, 2.1st reached Fort Western ; 25th to 29th one 
division marched off each day, with forty-five days provisions; from 29th 
to the 8th Oct. the whole d*>tachment were daily up to their waists in 
water, hauling up the batteaux against the rapid stream, to Norridgewock, 
fifty miles from Fort Western; from the 9th to the i6th not a minute 
was lost in gaining the Dead river about fifty miles ; from i 6th to 27th we 
ascended to Lake Me^antic or Chaudiere pond, distance eighty-three milis ; 
28th Col. Arnold embarked with seventeen men in five b:teaux, being 
resolved to proceed on to the French inhabitants, and send back provisions 
to the detacr.ment, who are near out, and must inevitably suffer without a 
supply; at ten we passed over the lake thirteen miles long and entered the 
Chaudiere river, which we descended about ten m'les in two hours, amazingly 
rocky, rapid and dangerous, when we had the misfortune of oversetting and 
staving three bateaux and lost all their baggage, provisions, etc., and with 
difficulty saved the men This disaster, though unfortunate at first view 
we must think a very happy circumstance to the whole, and kind interposition 
of providence, for had we proceeded half a mile further, we must have gone 
over a prodigious fall which we were not apprised of, and all inevitably 
perished ; here we divided the little provisions left, and Col. Arnold pro- 
ceeded on with two bateaux and five men with all possible expedition, and 
on the 30th at night, he arrived at the first inhabitants, upwards of eighty 
miles from the lake, where he was kindly received, and the next morning 
early sent off a supply of fresh provisions to the rear detachment by the 
Canadians and savages, about forty of the latter having joined us ; by the 
8th the whole arrived except two or three left behind sick ; the loth we 
reached Point Levi, seventy-five miles from Sartigan (the first inhabitants), 
waited until the i 3th for the rear to come up and employed the carpenters 
in making ladders and collecting canoes, those on Point Levi being all 
destroyed to prevent our crossing ; having collected about thirty we em- 
barked at nine p. m. and at four a. m. carried over at several times five 
hundred men without being discovered. Thus in about eight weeks we 
completed a march of near six hundred miles not to be paralleled in history ; 
the men having with the greatest fortitude; and perseverance hauled their 
bateaux up rapid streams, being obliged to wade almost the whole way, near 
one hundred and eighty miles, carried them on their shoulders near forty miles 
over hills, swamps and bogs almost impenetrable, and to their knees in mire, 
being often obliged to cross three or four times with their baggage. Short 
of provisions, part of the detachment disheartened and gone back; famine 



I 8 8 Appendix. 



staring us in the face and an enemy's country, and uncertainty ahead ; not- 
withstanding all these obstacles the otficers end men inspired and tired with 
the love of liberty and their country, pushed on with a fortitude superior 
to every obstacle. Most of them had not one day's provision for a week. 
Thus I have given you a short, but imperfect sketch of our march. The 
night we crossed the St. Lawrence, found it impossible to get our ladders over, 
and the enemy being apprised of our coming we found it impracticable to 
attack them without too great a risk ; we therefore invested the town and 
cutofftheir communication with the country. We continued in this situation 
until the 20th, having often attempted to draw out the garrison in vain ; 
on a strict scrutiny into our ammunition found many of our cartridges (which 
to appearance were good) unserviceable, and not ten rounds apiece for the 
men who were almost naked, barefooted and much fatigued, and as the 
garrison was daily increasing and near double our number, we thought it 
prudent to retire to this place and wait the arrival of General Montgomery 
with artillery, clothing, etc., who to our great joy this morning joined us. 
We propose immediately investintr the town, and make no doubt in a few 
days to bring Carleton to terms." 

Camp before !^^ebec, near the General Hospital, Dec. 6. 

"I wrote you the 2ist ult. which I make no doubt you have received. 
I then gave you some particulars of our march, proceedings, etc., since 
which Gen. Montgomery has joined us with artillery, and about 3000 
men ; and yesterday we arrived here from Point aux Tremble, and are 
making preparation to attack the enemy, who are in close garrison, but 
cannot hold out long, as from the best account they are very much divided 
amongst themselves, and a prodigious panic has seized them all. Carleton, 
we are told, is determined to hold out to the very last, as his only hope, for 
he can expect nothing but punishment from the ministry, whom he has 
most egregiously deceived, in regard to the inhabitants of this country. All 
his friends, or rather his courtiers, say, he could not have taken more ef- 
fectual measures than he has, to ruin the ccuntry. 

" The 22d ult. he issued a most extraordinary proclamation, strictly order- 
ing all who refuse to take up arms and defend the garrison, to depart the 
town and district within four days, with their wives and children, under 
pain of being treated as rebels or spies. In consequence of which a great 
number of the prin'cipal inhabitants came out with their families, but were 
obliged to leave all their property behind, except some wearing apparel, and 
a little household furniture, etc. I inclose you a copy of the proclamation. 
Among the corps who came with Gen. Montgomery, is your worthy friend 
Captain Lamb, whom I had the pleasure of seeing a few days ago at Point 
aux Tremble. Our men are in high spirits, being now well clothed with 
the regimentals destined for the 7th and 26th regiments, who were taken 
prisoners at St. John's. This is a circumstance which, I believe, the 
like never before happened to British troops, as two regiments of them to 
be made prisoners at one time. Providence smiles on us in a most remark- 
able manner. The Canadians say, ' Surely God is with his people, or they 
could never have done what they have done.' They are all astonished at 
our march through the wilderness which they say was impossible, and 



Appendix. 189 

would not believe our coming, until they had ocular demonstration ot it. 
We are at a great loss for intelligence from the army at Cambridge and 
other quarters, having had no certain accounts of their movements, nor 
the least syllable of nesvs since we left Newbury. I am astonished a 
regular communication has not been opened between Montreal and the 
colonies, hope you will pay a little attention publicly to it, more especially 
as there are some scoundrels who, with impunity, open the letters directed 
to the officers in our army, and I suppose they continue the like infamous 
practice with the letters which are sent to our friends and acquaintance. 
The general is now absent sending ofi an express, by whom I send this. I 
hope the next time I write you, it will be from guebec, for if the insulting 
foe does not surrender shortly, I believe it is the general's intention to carry 
the town by storm." 



ROLL OF CAPT. MATTHEW SMITH'S COMPANY. 

On leaving Paxtang this company mustered eighty-seven (^7) men. Of 
this number notwithstanding our researches the names of only fifty-one (51 ) 
can be ascertained with certainty. No papers of Smith, Steel, Simpson or 
Cross, are known to exist. Of Capt. Hendricks's company raised near the 
same locality, on the west side of the Susquehanna, scarcely a dozen names 
have been rescued from oblivion. Both companies were of the flower of 
the country, brave, ardent and patriotic — and nowise daunted by the 
sufferings of the Arnold campaign — of those who returned nearly all 
returned to the service : 

C.'iPTAIN. 

Matthew Smith, Paxtang. 

1ST Lieutenant. 
Archibald Steel, Donegal. 

2D Lieutenant. 
Michael Simpson, Paxtang, commanded in the assault. 

3D Lieutenant. 

William Cross, Hanover 

Sergeants. 

Boyd, Thomas, Derrj-, subsequently Capt. -Lieut, ist Pa. 

Cunningham, Robert, Londonderry, d. at Lancaster, of disease contracted 
in prison, soon after. 

Dixon, Robert, killed in front of Quebec, Nov. 17, 1775. Belonged to 
West Hanover. 

Privates. 

Ayres, John, Upper Paxtang. 

Binnagle, Curtis, Londonderry. 

Bollinger, Emanuel, Paxtang. 

Black, James, Hanover. 

Black, John, Upper Paxtang. 



1 90 • Appendix. 



Cavenaugh, Edward, resided in York county, subsequently, " Honest 
Ned " of Judge Henry. 

Carbach, Peter, Paxtang. After return enlisted in Capt. John Paul 
Schott's Co., March 12, 1777, Discharged at Lancaster, in 1783. Re- 
sided in Dearborn Co., Ind., in 1830. 

Connor, Timothy, Bethel. 

Crouch, James, Paxtang ; afterwards a colonel. 

Cochran, Samuel, Paxtang; afterwards captain of the militia, 1781. 

Crow, Henry, died in Derry. 

Dougherty, James, Londonderry, captured at Quebec and put in irons 
eight weeks. Subsequently enlisted 12th Pa. 

Dixon, Richard, Dixon's Ford. 

Dean, Samuel, served one year, then appointed Lieut, in Col. Harts' 
regiment. Flying camp. Subsequently ist Lieut, nth Pa. 

Egle, Adam, Lebanon; wagon-master at Cambridge, Col. Thompson's 
regiment. 

Elder, John, Paxtang. 

Feely, Timothy, Dixon's Ford. 

Griffith, John, Harris's Ferry. 

Harris, David, Harris's Ferry; subsequently Capt. Pa. Line. 

Harris, John, Harris's Ferry ; killed at Quebec. 

Henry, John Joseph, Lancaster. 

Kennedy, John, Hanover. 

Marshall, Laurence, Hanover. 

M'Granagan, Charles, Londonderry. 

Merchant, George, Donegal. 

M'Enally, Henry, Londonderry. 

M'Konkey, John, Hanover. 

Mellen, Atchison, Paxtang; resided in Lycoming county in 18 1 3. 

Nelson [Nilson], Alexander, Derry; killed in front of Quebec, Jan. 
I, 1776. 

Old, James, Derry. 

Porterfield, Charles, Hanover. 

Ryan, John, Derry. 

Simpson, 'William, Paxtang; wounded August 27, 1775; brother of 
Michael Simpson. 

Sparrow, William, Derry. 

Shaeffer, John (drummer) ; resided in Lancaster in 1809. 

Smith, Samuel, Paxtang. 

Taylor, Henry, Paxtang; captured Dec. 31, 1773, returned Nov. 10, 1776. 

Todd [Tidd] John, Hanover. 

Teeder, Michael, Hanover; subsequently enlisted 5th Pa. 

Warner, James ; died in the wilderness near Chaudiere lake. — Henry, 

P- '98- 

Waun, Michael, Derry ; died at the crossing of the Chaudiere. 

Weaver, Martin, Upper Paxtang. 

Weirick, Valentine, Hanover; resided in Dauphin Co., 18 13. 

Wheeler, [uncertain] from Paxtang. — Letter from Dr. IV. H. 

Egle. 



INDEX. 



Abenakis, 74. 

Abraham, plains of, 82, 184, 187. 

Acorns as food, 21. 

Advance party, I 3. 

Age of Reason, 120. 

Agry's point, I 3. 

Alc'ibiades fought in the ranks, 119. 

Allen, Ethan, voyage to England, 
120. 

American Archives, 2. 

Ammeguntick pond, 2. 

Ammunition bad and scanty, 188 ; 
economy of, 51. 

Am well, historian, 86. 

Anderson, John F., letter from, 49. 

Appendix, 183. 

Arms of the forces, 11 

Army, pioneers return to, 46 ; re- 
treat of, 165. 

Arnold characterized, 12; heads 
forlorn hope, 107 5 wounded, 
109 ; his vanity before Quebec, 
85, 86 ; letter from, 133 ; re- 
turn of, 186; to penetrate into 
Canada, i ; instructions to, 2. 

Arnold's falls, 35. 

Arrow and spear heads, place of 
manufacture, 18. 

Aston, Joseph, 117; major, 146, 

147, 149- 
Atlee, Col. Samuel, I2Z 
Ayres, capt., pioneer, 49. 
Ayres, John, 189. 

Baily, John, col., 63. 

Baldwin, Loammi, col., 63. 

Balsam fir, 25, 26. 

Bateaux lost, 187; relics of found, 

49; repaired, 19 j taken, 13; 

account of, i 3. 
Bears not seen, 45. 



Beaver tails for food, 21. 

Biddle, Owen, 182. 

Bigelow, major, 68, 60. 

Bingham purchase, 22. 

Binnagle, Curtis, 189. 

Black, James, 189; John, 189. 

Blair, John, escape of, 177. 

Bleary, its consistence defined, 65 

Block house, i 30. 

Boats lost in the Chaudiere, 68 ; re- 
moved from Point Levi, 81. 

•^og meadows, 24, 25. 

Bollinger, Emanuel, 189. 

Bombazee falls, 85. 

Bonnet rouge, 103. 

Boyd, Thomas. 14, 24, 37, 40, 45 
46, 128, 147, 164, 175, 189; 
his fate, 1 16, 1 17. 

Braddocke's expedition, iv. 

Brewer, J. col., 60. 

Bridge, col., 60. 

Bristol, 181. 

Brown, It. col., 60. 

Buckmaster, lieur., testimony of, 61. 

Bunker's hill, 47. 

Burr, Aaron, soldier in the army, 72. 

Cadaracgua, or St. Lawrence, 176. 
Caldwell, lt.gov., his house, 83,86. 
Cambridge, army encamped at, I ; 

head quarters at, 60 ; march to 

commence from, 3, 6 ; march 

from, 185, 186, 187. 
Campbell, col., retreat of, no, 

128, 131. 
Campbell, Thos., 117, I18. 
Canada winter, 102; balsam, 26; 

the first house reached, 72. 
Canadian houses, 76; fare, 78; 

hospitality, 78 ; settlements, 

183. 



igi 



Index. 



Canadians encourage invasion, i ; 
to be protected from insult and 
injury, 2 ; their real sentiments 
to be discovered, 3. 

Canoe snagged, 39 ; how repaired, 
40. 

Canoes, as constructed by the 
Indians, 27, 28 ; bark, purchas- 
ed, 184, 187; birch bark, their 
burden and how managed, 15 j 
constructed, 187. 

Cape Diamond, 170, 172 ; described, 
129. 

Carbach, Peter, 190. 

Carleton, an Irishman, 85; arrival 
at Quebec, 91, 185 ; his orders, 
188; releases Natanis, 75; 
generosity of, 134, 135; mild- 
ness of his reign, 146 5 his ac- 
count of loss, 1 1 3 ; his humanity, 
114, 115; to be diverted from 
St. Johns, I. 

Cartridges, commerce in, 152. 

Carratunk falls, 35. 

Carrying place, first, 16 j others, I. 

Cataract in the Chuudiere, 69. 
Cattle sent to the rescue, 72. 
Cavanaugh, Edward, 55, 136, 137, 

138, 190. 
Cedar-root cordage, 40 ; swamp. 

Centennial relic, 35, 36. 
Chamberlaine, disobeys orders, 50. 
Chambers, col. Stephen, viii, xiii. 
Chatham's son to be treated with 

respect, 4. 
Chaudiere, definition of, 67 ; lake, 

described, 36; head of, 183, 
187 ; river, distance of, 183 ; 

navigation dangerous, 58 ; head 

of, 2; arrival at, 35, 36; 

source discovered, 7. 
Cheeseman, killed, 131, 134; 

coffin of, 170. 
Cheshire cheese, 175. 
Clap, Ebeneser, It. col., 63. 
Clark, Joel, It. col., 63. 
Cleveland, It. col., 60. 



Clifton, James, 14; angler, 23; 

deserted, 48. 
Clothing furnished by Montgomery, 

102 J received, 188. 
Coats furnished by Montgomery, 

141. 
Cochran, Samuel, 190. 
Colborn's ship yard, 13. 
Colburn, Andrew, major, 63. 
Conibas Indians, 19. 
Connecticut volunteers, 11. 
Connor, Timothy, 136, 190. 
Cooper, lieut., killed, 112. 
Coppermine river, 15. 
Cornplanter, the Seneca, 169. 
Costume of the companies, 11. 
Craig, Mr., 102. 
Crawford, col., 117. 
Cromie, lieut. gov., 95 ; his country 

residence, 96 ; the house rifled, 

97; his farm house sacked, 98. 
Crone, Henry, 141, 142. 
Cross, It. William, 133, 189. 
Crouch, James, 11, 19c. 
Crow, Henry, 190. 
Cunningham, Robert, 14, 35, 37, 

38, 47, "7, 189, 128, 147. 
Cushnoc, 16. 

Dauphin jail, 139, 143, 144; its 

imbecility, 145, 148. 
Dead-house, 135, 136. 
Dead river, 183, 1875 its course, 

22 J encampment on, 24; head 

of, 33; army reaches, 49 j name 

misapplied, 29 ; return to 

44. 
Dean, Samuel, 190. 
Dearborn, capt,, 675 gen., 11. 
Death from repletion, 74. 
Deer, habits of, 16. 
Demosthenes fought in the ranks, 

119. 
Derry, soldiers from, II 
DeVerney, Hugh, iii. 
Dinner, mode of preparing, 92 ; 

mode of serving, 92. 
Disastrous pass, 66. 
Discipline to be enforced, 3. 



Index. 



^n 



Dixon, amiable, Robert, 53, 55, 
115, 116 j wounded, 88 died, 
89 ; first oblation on the altar 
of liberty in Quebec, 90 ; 
killed, 189. 

Dixon, Richard, 11, 190. 

Doe Run, iii. 

Dog broth, 71. 

Dogs eaten, 183. 

Dougherty, James, 52, 190. 

Drake's Biog. Dictionary, 47. 

Duck shot, 37 ; divided, 38. 

Durkee, major, 59. 

Egle, Adam, 190; Dr. W. H., 

190. 
Elder, John, 190; Rev. Mr., 134. 
Elizabethtown point, 180. 
Elk, 16. 

Emigrant corps, 136. 
Endesly, capt., 115. 
Enos, second in command, 10 ; 

his desertion known, 7, 59, 

132, 183, 186; trial of, 

59 5 proceedings of court 

martial, 60; acquitted, 61; 

his address to the public, 59 ; 

exults over Dr. Smith, 63. 
Enlistments declined, 106. 
Escape, planned by prisoners, 147, 

153 ; frustrated, 156. 
Evergreens, abundance of 186. 
Exchange of prisoners announced, 

169. 
Expedition marched, 12 j took 

different routes, note 12 ; object 

and force of, 10, 13. 

Famine, death from, 66. 
Fatigue of the march, 187. 
Febiger, Christian, 12, 181; sketch 
of, 47 ; reconnoiters the city, 

85-. . 
Feely, Timothy, 190. 
Fighting cock tavern, 178. 
Fir branches, bed on, 62. 
First inhabitants reached, 187. 
Fisdle, lieut., wounded, 112. 
Flagstaff village, 35. 

17 



Flint rock wrought by Indians, 18. 

Force, Peter, 2. 

Forest, change of growth, 49. 

Fort Halifax, arrival at, 16. 

Fort Western, 15, 187; arrival at. 

Fortress, attack on ordered, 104. 

Fowls, how managed, 93. 

Fox, migrations of, 17. 

Franklin, his discovery of electricity, 

144. 
French spy, 87, 89. 
Freshet impedes the march, 52. 
Frost, effect of on the dead, 136. 
Frozen limbs, effect of, 104. 

Game, scarcity of, 42. 

Gardiner, Hanson's history of, 13. 

Garrison alarmed, 184. 

Gaspy point, 176. 

Gelelemend, v. 

Getchel, 40, 41, 45; Jeremiah, 

guide, 15, 18 j at fault, 22; 

ingenious construction of, 26. 
Gibson, Dr. Thos., captured, 112^ 

escape of, 177 ; died 117. 
Gibson, gen., at Logstown, 21. 
Gibson, George, vi. 
Gibson, John vi. 
Gibson, John Bannister, vi. 
Gluttony, death from, 65. 
Gordon, historian, 86. 
Governor's island, 176. 
Greaton, col., 60. 
Greene, brig, gen., 59 ; characterized, 

12. 
Greene's division, provisioned, 60, 

61. 
Green's brigade, 6, 10. 
Grier, Mrs., her endurance, 66, 67. 
Griffith, John, 190. 
Guard house, 99. 
Gun barrel found, 35. 

Hamilton, /\. B., 11. 
Hamilton, James, iv. 
Hand, general, 14. 
Han-jost, 117. 
Harp and Crown, tavern, 182. 



194 



Index. 



Harris, Biog. Hist. Lancaster, 14. 

Harris, David, 190. 

Harris, John, 11, 190. 

Harrisburgh, founder of, 11. 

Harrison, capt., 16. 

Harville, Sheppard, 25. 

Hayden, Josiah, major, 63. 

Hearne's Journey, 15. 

Heath, lieut., 57. 

Heath, brig. gen. Wm., 59, 63. 

Height of land, 2 J discovered, 35; 
arrival at, 58. 

Hendricks, capt. Wm., vii, 11 ; 
characterized, 12; superseded 
by Morgan, 50, 57 ; at the 
attack, no, iii; killed, iii, 
135; sketch of, III; grave 
of, 170; his company, 189. 

Henry, Anne, v. 

Henry, Anne Mary, x. 

Henry, John, vi. 

Henry, John Joseph, 11, 190; 
memoir of, iii, xi; his nar- 
rative, 6, 7, 8, 9 ; pioneer, 
190; as first lieut., 147. 

Henry, Benj. West, x. 

Henry, William, iii, iv, xi. 

Hide, lieut,, testimony of 61. 

Hitchcock, Daniel, col., 63. 

Home, John, guide, 15. 

Hospital, sick in, 152. 

Howe, general, 177. 

Hubbard, capt., wounded, 112. 

Hubley, John, xiii. 

Huguenots, iii. 

Humphreys, lieut., 58 ; at the 
attack, no, in; killed, 112, 
135 J grave of, 170. 

Hunter, sloop of war, 89 ; vessel, 
184. 

Hunter's falls, 129. 

Imprisonment, pains of, 166. 

Indian bread, 62 ; file, 64; imple- 
ments of birch, 27. 

Indians encourage invasion, I j first 
employed by Am. army, 75. 

Inhabitants devout, 284 ; fly from 
war, 87. 



Invaders clad in sheet iron, 11. 
Invasion, letters respecting, 183. 
Irons applied to prisoners, 159; 

struck oflT, 166. 
Isle of Orleans, 133. 

Jail, its structure, etc., 148. 
Jenner, Dr., his discovery, 144. 
Jerking flesh, how performed, 44. 
Johnson, major, 60. 
Journals of the expedition, 6. 

Kennebec river, i, 3, 187 ; navigable 
for sloops, etc., I ; arrival at, 
13; carry on, 49. 

Kennedy, John, 190. 

Killed at Quebec, number of, 113. 

Killikin'ck in tobacco, 169. 

King's store to be secured, 4. 

Koquethaquehton, v. 

Ladders constructed, 187, 188. 

Lake Megantic, 187. 

Lamb, captain, 100 ; arrival of, 188; 

wounded, 112. 
Lamb's artillerists, 146. 
Lancaster, Penn., iii; volunteers, II. 
Law reports, viii. 
Laws, captain, 112. 
Leather as food, 72. 
Lee, Charles, maj. gen., pres. court 

martial, 59. 
Livingston's regiment, 103. 
Lizzard frigate, 184. 
Lobscouse, 140, 143. 
Log driving, 35. 
Logan, Mengwe chief, vi. 
Logstown, vi, 21. 
Long Island, battle of, 176. 
Losses by the war, 143. 
Lutz, Stephen, 181. 

Maclean, col., 85, 136. 
Maibom, major, 165. 
Maine wilderness, I ; last inhabit- 
ants, 183. 
Map of bark, 33. 
Marshall, Lawrence, 190. 
Marsh, It col., 60. 



Index, 



195 



Marshall's Diary, vii. 

Martin, Mr., his escape, 149, 151. 

Massachusetts, Hist. Soc. collections, 

6 ; volunteers, 1 1, 
Maybin, doctor, 161, 166. 
M'Cleland, 65 ; account ot", 69 ; 

died, 75. 
McClure, Robert, 11. 
McCobb, capt., testimony of, 60. 
McCoy. Wm., to act as colonel, 

142, 143, 147, 149. 
M'Dougal, col., 119, 122. 
M'Enally, Henry, 53, 190. 
McGranagan, Charles, 190. 
M'Kenzie, capt. 17SJ captured, 

80,81. 
McKonkey, John, 15, 19, 23, 48, 

49. 190- 
McPherson, killed, 131, 134; 

coffin of, 170. 
Mease, clothier general, 122. 
Meigs, major, iz\ his narrative, 6, 

Mellen, Atchison, 190. 

Melvin, his narrative, 6. 

Mengwe chief, vi. 

Merchant, George, 14, 42, 84, 

190; sent to England, 120. 
Merchants, generous gift to prisoners, 

128. 
Midshipman captured, 79. 
Moccasins provided, 185; failure of, 

68} as food, 725 seal-skin, 

94- 

Montgomery expected, 185, 187, 
1885 arrived, 94; plan of at- 
tack, 106; killed, no; place 
of his death, 120, 134; loss of, 
8 J funeral of, 134; coffin of, 
170. 

Montreal taken, 185. 

Moose deer, appearance of, 16 : 
horns found, 20 ; favorite food 
of, 20 ; prefer red willow, 169 ; 
shot, 42. 

Moravians, iv, v. 

Morgan, Daniel, 10, 182; anecdote 
of, 50; his discipline, 51, 58 ; 
supersedes Hendricks, 57 ; 



Morgan at the attack, 110, iiij 
characterized, 12 ; described, 
48 ; his riflemen, 49 : anecdote 
of,50 ; his discipline,5 1 ; super- 
sedes Hendricks, 57. 

Morgan's force thinned, 143. 

Moss bog, 46; plateaus of, 24, 25. 

Mount Bigelow, 35, 58. 

Murray, major, 157; his journal of 
the route to Quebec, 142. 

Narratives of the expedition, 6, 7. 

Natanis, 74, 169; wounded, 75; 

captured, 112; his cabin, 20, 

31. 32- 
Natural history, systems of, 17. 
Nelson (Nilson) Alexander, 190; 

killed, I 34. 
Newburyport, 186, 187; inquiries 

to be made at, 3 ; expedition 

arrived at, i 3. 
New England Hist, and Gen. Regis- 
ter, 6. 
New Hampshire, volunteers from 11. 
New Years gift, 128. 
New York, arrival of prisoners at, 

176 ; fire in, 178 
Nichols, lieut., 56, 181 ; at the 

attack. III; captured, 112 

115. 
Nixon, col., 59, 63. 
Norridgewock, i, 187 ; arrival at, 

18, 19, 21. 
North Auson, Maine, 34. 
North's History of Augusta, 16, 22. 
North, James W., letter from, 49, 

58. 

Oaks not seen, 186. 
Octorara meeting house, iii. 
Ogden, a Jersey cadet, 84, 109. 
Olds, James, 53, 190. 
Oracle of Reason, 120. 
Orleans, isle of, 133. 
Oswego falls, 53. 

Payne, Thomas, 122. 
Palace gate, loi, 102. 
Panic, effects of, 10 1. 



196 



Index. 



Parker, Michael, murdered, 1 17. 
Parole of prisoners, 170. 
Parsons, Samuel H , col., 63. 
Port Lewis, 186. 
Paxtang, 105, 189; massacre, v. 
Paxton volunteers, 11. 
Peasantry, comfortably housed, 95. 
Penn, Juliana, vii. 
Pennsylvania Hist. Soc. Bulletin, 
6 ; immigrants to, iv ; Journal 
and Weekly Advertiser, 183. 
Pioneers return to the army, 46. 
Plato, song of, 56. 
Plunder prohibited, 3. 
Point aux Tremble, 90. 183, 186, 

187, 188. 
Point de Pezo, 184. 
Point Levi, 35, 76, 183, 184, 186, 

187. 
Poor, major, 60. 
Porpoises, 176. 
Porter, Wm. A., ix. 
Porterfield, Charles, 190; killed, 

116. 
Powder, economy of, 50. 
Prentice, Samuel, major, 63. 
Prentis, captain, 129, 157, 165, 
169,170; account of loss, 1 1 3. 
Prisoners, conspiracy among, 147; 
ironed, 158; embark, 175; 
to be treated with humanity, 4. 
Provision exhausted, 36, 183, 186; 
full value to be paid for, 4 ; 
how divided, 23 ; scanty, 29, 
61 ; taken by pioneer force, 15 ; 
in prison, i 38. 

Quebec, Arnold to capture, i ; 
distance to, i ; capture of, the 
object of the expedition, 7 ; 
attacked, 107 ; described, 129 
185; houses taken possession 
of, 184; its defences; 172; 
quietness of, 82. 

Rale, killed, 19. 
Rank not to be contended for, 4. 
Redbank, Greene at, 12. 
Red willow, 168. 



Reed, James, col., 63; Joseph, col., 
60, 63. 

Reguliers, monastery, 124. 132. 

Reindeer, 20. 

Relics of the expedition, 34, 35. 

Religious notions to be respected, 4. 

Retreat ordered, 185, 187; time 
for lost, 112. 

Reynolds, Wm., 56. 

Rhode Island volunteers, ri ; Hist. 
Soc. Collections, 7. 

Rifle corps, precedence of, 51. 

Riflemen in the expedition, 10; re- 
turned to Quebec, 94; took up 
quarters, 99; share of pro- 
visions, 61. 

Roads, how constructed, 93 ; how 
opened in winter, 93. 

Roeser, Matthew, iv. 

Route, plan of, i. 

Roxbury, rifle company at, 6. 

Ryan, John, 190. 

Sabatis, 32, 74, 80. 

Sartigan, 187. 

Savages used by the army, 11. 

Scaling ladders deficient, 82. 

SchaefFer, John, 190. 

Schitt, capt. John Paul, 190. 

Schuyler, gen., consulted on the 

propriety of the expedition, i j 

to act in concert with, 4. 
Scott, capt., testimony of, 61. 
Screw auger, invention of, xi. 
Scurvy, xii ; appearance of, 161 ; its 

origin, 162; effects of, 164; 

recurrence of, 182; grass, 163. 
Sebasticook river, 16. 
Scnter, his narrative, 6. 
Sentries picked off, 100. 
Sergeant, col., 60. 
ShaefTer, John, drummer, 63. 
Shepard, Wm., It. col., 63. 
Sherburne, major, 59. 
Sherman, Isaac, major, 63. 
Shirts of linen provided, 167. 
Shitz, Francis, murder of, ix. 
Shoemakers among the pioneers, 

147. 



Index. 



197 



Shoes eaten, 183. 

Simpson, Michael, 8, 11, 75 ; lieut., 
189; sketch of, 30; gen., 
characteristics of, 51. 

Simpson, Wm., 190. 

Singleton, Serjeant, 105. 

Six Nations, 116. 

Skowhegan, 35. 

Skowhig falls, 35. 

Sleighing, 93. 

Slough, lieut., vi. 

Slush, sought for, 143. 

Small pox introduced by women, 
107 5 inoculation for, 144. 

Smith, Aubrey H., x. 

Smith, Calvin, major, 63. 

Smith, Dr. of Philad., 63. 

Smith, Matthew, vii, 1 1 ; captain, 
. 75. 189. 

Smitli's company, 11 ; roll of, 
189. 

Smith, col., sketch of, 105. 

Smith, Samuel, 190. 

Smith, Thomas, x. 

Snow, great depth o/, 137; effects 
of falling in, 114; utility of to 
vegetation, 164; shoes, 94. 

Snowed under, 63. 

Socrates fought in the ranks, 
119. 

Soldiers wounded, 185. 

Sparrow, Wm , 190. 

Spears formed of berths, 146. 

Spoons, manufacture of, 140. 

Spring, parson, 109. 

Sprout, Ebenezer, major, 63. 

Squirrels, 42; habits of, 18. 

St. Charles river, 184. 

St. Foix, parish of, 94. 

St. Francis Indians, 4. 

St. John's gate, 145, 186; gate un- 
barred, 83. 

St. Johns, island of, 176; prisoners 
taken at, 188. 

St. Lawrence, its majesty, 91 j pass- 
age of, 184, 188. 

St. Roque, 171, 173, 174, 186. 

Standish, Miles, 58. 

Stark, John, col,, 59, 63. 



Steele, Archibald, 11, 76; sketch 
of, 14; lieut., 45, 189; his 
adventure, 81, 82, pioneer of 
the advance, 14, 68 ; alter- 
cation with Morgan, 50 ; at 
the attack, no, ill; wounded, 
112; pioneer detachment of, 7. 

Steinbock, habits of, 17. 

Steward, Columbus, on the Arnold 
trail, 34. 

Stone, Edwin M., 7. 

Stony point, attack on, 47. 

Stove, Canadian, 92. 

Stroud blanket, 134. 

Sullivan, brig, gen., 60, 61, 62; 
his expedition, 116. 

Sumach, poisonous, 169. 

Swords made of hoop iron, 146. 

Taconick falls, i. 

Tailors among the prisoners, 147. 

Taylor, Henry, 190; John M., 68, 
76. 

Tea abandoned, 89. 

Teeder, Michael, 190. 

Thayer, his narrative, 6, 7, 13. 

Thompson, gen. Wm., 175. 

Ticonic, how situated, 16. 

Tidd, John, 14, 52 (see Todd). 

Timber region, 25. 

Tobacco introduced, 168 ; its poison- 
ous effects, 168. 

Todd (Tidd), John, 190. 

Tory, definition of, 16, 18. 

Transports, sailed, 13. 

Trees of the forest, 186. 

Troops, arrival of, 165. 

Trout fishing, 23, 30, 31. 

Tudor, W., judge advocate, 59, 60. 

Tyler, John, It. col., 63. 

Vose, It. col., 60. 
Virginia, riflemen from, 11. 
Virginians affect superiority, 57. 
Volunteers, whence from, in. 

Ware's narrative, 6. 
Warner, James, 64, 190; perished 
65. 



198 



Index. 



Warner, Mrs. Jemima, 65. 
Washington, letter to congress, I ; 

instructions to Arnold, 2 ; 

address to the people of Canada, 

5 ; general order, 6. 
Waun, Michael, 190. 
Weaver, Martin, 190. 
Webb, Charles, col., 63. 
Weirich, Valentine, 190. 
Wells, Levi, major, 65. 
Wesson, James, It. col., 63. 
West Hanover, Pa., 90. 
Wheeler, Jesse, 14, 37, 43, 45, 82, 

190. 
White Hall tavern, 178. 
White's ferry, 35. 



Wilderness, time passed in, 183. 
Williams, capt., testimony of, 60. 
Winsor, Justin, 6. 
Winter, the season of good humor, 

100. 
Wolf, grey, 43. 
Wolf's cove, 82, 129, 184; place 

of landing, 184. 
Women that followed the army, 66. 
Wood, major, 60. 
Wounded, number of, 113, 114. 
Wyllys, Samuel, col., 63. 

York artillerists, 100. 
Yorktown, Febiger at, 47. 



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